THE FRENCH IN INDIANA, 1700-1760:
A POLITICAL HISTORY
Frances Krauskopf
Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree, Doctor of Philosophy,
in the Department of History,
Indiana University,
Indiana University,
June, 1953
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The history of the first decade of the eighteenth century in the Middle West was marked largely by the wars to which the Indians were addicted. Cadillac had gathered a number of savage bands about his fort at Detroit, including part of the St. Joseph Miami, who were not very well satisfied with their new abode and who soon wanted a commandant of their own.33 But there were at least two additional bands of Miami besides these.34 Part of the Wea, a Miami subdivision, had moved to the Wabash sometime in the 1690's; another band was still at Chicago in 1700 but probably moved shortly thereafter.35 In the early part of the century, the region of the Wabash River was considered Miami hunting ground.36
Both of these tribes participated in the warfare of the 1710's. In 1703 and
1704, the Miami had been attacked by Indians whom they
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Carr, "The Mascoutins," Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society (new series; Worcester, Massachusetts, 1880- ), XIII (1899-1900), 455; Norman W. Caldwell, "Charles Juchereau de St. Denys: a French pioneer in the Mississippi valley," Mississippi Valley Historical Review (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1914- ), XXVIII (1914-1942), 563-580; C11A19:8v, 47v, 107v-108; C11A20: 60-60v, 148; C11A22:20; Ferland, Cours d'histoire du Canada, II, 345.
33C11A21:68-68v; C11A23:99; C11A24: 261, 263. Apparently a band of Potawatomi soon joined the remnants of the Miami at St. Joseph. C11A22:262-262v; C11A28:161-163.
34C11A22:48v.
35C11A19:114. "De Gannes memoir," Pease and Werner, French foundations, 392-393.
36C11A19:8v.
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as had the Miami. In a postscript he conveyed information newly received from the St. Joseph River that the Potawatomi had resolved to send belts to the Miami on the Wabash so that they might obtain news of the Ottawa killed or captured by those Miami formerly of St. Joseph. By this action they hoped to obtain the prisoners through the auspices of the Wabash band, who were their allies .
The governor and the intendant thought that the difficulties with the Miami and the death of the three Frenchmen could be attributed to Cadillac's withdrawal of the Jesuit from the Miami after nineteen years of service.59
In the meantime Cadillac had been warned by the Wea60 that La Grue's
band of Miami were planning to destroy Detroit. Instead of punishing them, he
made a peace, one of the requirements being that they turn over those members
of the band which had killed the Frenchmen. Although they agreed to do so, they
failed to keep their promise. Thereupon Cadillac attacked them in their fort;
once again they pledged themselves to deliver the criminals and gave three
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58C11A28:7-12, 102v-103, 165-173v; "Vaudreuil correspondence," RAQ, 1939-1940, pp. 422, 446-448.
59C11A28:22v-23; C11A29:294v; Caron, "Church documents," RAQ, 1940-1941, p. 414.
60 Aigremont in the report on his western tour of 1708 located the Wea on the Wabash. C11A29:60v.
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He thought that they might eventually settle near the Iroquois to become incorporated with them at a later date.7
To prevent an ambush which the Fox were rumored to be preparing, all of the Indians were to return to Detroit in a body, accompanied by Frenchmen. The Miami asked for Vincennes to escort them, apparently to their home beyond Detroit; the request was granted.8
That autumn Vaudreuil returned to the Iroquois three prisoners whom he had
withdrawn from the Wea. In return for this favor the governor asked only that
they continue their neutrality toward both French and English.9 Dubuisson
succeeded in arranging what he called a firm peace between the Ottawa and the
Miami. His agent in these
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7"Cadillac papers," MPHC, XXXIII, 532.
8C11A31:83v-87; C11A32:71v, 213-213v; "Vaudreuil correspondence," RAQ, 1946-1947, pp. 454-455; 1947-1948, p. 153; "Cadillac papers," MPHC, XXXIII, 503-506. The minister later reprimanded Vaudreuil for the unnecessary expense involved in sending Vincennes to the home of the Miami.
9"Vaudreuil correspondence," RAQ, 1946-1947, p. 432. A voucher dated September 18, 1712, Montreal, for expenses incurred by Parent in such a transaction is listed in "Copies and extracts from documents in the archives of the Chicago Historical Society," RCA, 1905, I, lxvii. A photostat copy of the original is in the Indiana University Library. The price paid was as follows: 20# of powder at 160£; 3/4# of vermillion at 40£; 3 pairs of leggings at 30£; 3 shirts at 30£; 3 hatchets at 21£; 40# of lead at 120£. To invite the Ouiatanon to come to Detroit; 30 deerskins at 90£. To dress the prisoners: 3 shirts, 3 buffalo hides (42£), 3 pairs of leggings. To send the Wea to Detroit: 3# of powder, 5# of lead, 60 knives. Total: 658£.
Krauskopf, Frances
The French in Indiana
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In 1713 Crozat attempted to make an establishment on the Wabash to facilitate communication between Canada and Louisiana. The king aided his undertaking by permitting him to draw about fifty Canadians to the region to hunt and trade; a dozen were supposed to leave Canada in March, 1713, under DuTisné and twenty-four in July under Quénet. Because of this proposed establishment, the government of New France was ordered to discontinue its attempts to find the Wabash copper mines.21
Vincennes returned from the Miami that summer with the report that the Iroquois
had sent ten collars inviting the former to join them in an attack upon the
other nations. Reminding the Miami of the murder committed by the Mississagué
in 1711, the Five Nations suggested that the times were favorable for revenge.
La Forest at Detroit confirmed this information and emphasized the necessity
of keeping Vincennes among the Miami because he was the only person who could
prevent their juncture with the Iroquois. Vaudreuil therefore sent him back
with two canoes and eight men with two major aims: first, to try to get the
Miami to return to their old home on the St. Joseph, where they could more easily
be kept in French interests; and, second, to work with Desliettes, who was in
the Illinois country, to make peace between these two nations which were hounding
each other more than ever.22
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21"Vaudreuil correspondence," RAQ, 1947-1948, pp. 205, 223; C13A3:363-364, 373-374.
22"Vaudreuil correspondence," RAQ, 1947-1948, p. 230, 234, 250; C11A34:43v-44, 49v-50.
Krauskopf, Frances
The French in Indiana
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Simultaneously Crozat warned the ministry that the work of the English on the middle Mississippi was dangerous to the security of both colonies. He also petitioned that the old fort of the Illinois be regarrisoned.23 As a result of his plea, such orders were issued in July, 1715.24
Other difficulties were brewing in the upper country. According to the Detroit Huron, the Wea had warned them that the Miami who were still on the St. Joseph had also had conversations with the Iroquois and that there was danger of a new storm breaking upon them. The bearer of the Iroquoian belts was a chief of the St. Joseph Miami, whom the Ouyatanon of the Barbuë accused of these machinations in the presence of the Huron. To calm their fears, Yaudreuil pointed out that he had sent Vincennes there because of his talents and because the Miami loved him. The governor assured the Huron that Vincennes would discover and divert any bad affair which might break out.25
Vaudreuil himself feared greatly the truth of a rumor from
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23C13A:363-364.
24Collection de manuscrits contenant lettres, mémoires, et autres documents historiques relatifs à la Nouvelle-France, recueillis aux archives de la Province de Québec ou copiés à l'étranger (4 vols., Quebec, 1883-1885), III (1884), 13-14.
25C11A34:65v, 90.
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Michilimackinac that the Ouyatanon had joined the Fox, even though he had difficulty believing it. He reasoned that the Wea were sufficiently nettled with the Illinois to make such an alliance; however, he hoped that the arrival of Vincennes among the Miami would change the face of things. If not, it would be useless to think of making an establishment on the Wabash, for the Fox joined with the Ouyatanon would continually be making war there. Furthermore, any small group could not travel from Canada to such a post without great risk. In Vaudreuil's opinion, the Iroquois were quiet for the time being, although they had traded more heavily in munitions that summer than formerly.
The governor's fears about conditions in the upper country were well-founded.
Toward the end of August about four hundred Miami Ouyatanon attacked the Illinois
of Le Rocher in their fort, killing about eighteen or nineteen. The surprised
Illinois asked why the Wea were attacking them thus and whether they did not
know that the governor had sent Vincennes to the Miami and Desliettes to the
Illinois to arrest the hatchet; the Illinois claimed that it was this knowledge
which had obliged then to remain tranquil. The Wea responded that they had not
seen Vincennes. In fact, when they had learned that he was supposed to arrive
the next day, they had left; this knowledge had set them to press their march
before they could be stopped. Thereafter the two tribes exchanged verbal insults,
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26C11A34:52; "Vaudreuil correspondence," RAQ, 1947-1948, p. 236.
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but the Illinois did not dare pursue the Wea because their attackers were much stronger than they.
Then in January, 1714, about two hundred Fox and their allies, including Maskouten , Kickapoo, Sauk, Winnebago, and some Miami(apparently Ouyatenon) attacked this same band of Illinois. In Vaudreuil's opinion, this combination of the Wea with the Fox in the Illinois war made the latter more proud than ever. Since that time they had conferred twice with the Ottawa about recovering their prisoners. A rumor, later proving false, circulated that in August they had destroyed five boats and twelve Frenchmen near Chicago. But the governor was repeatedly forced to the conclusion that the only solution was a resort to arms. The alternative was alienation of the savage allies, either through fear or at the instigation of the English.27
This fear of the British was stimulated by events in Europe. The Treaty of
Utrecht of 1713 contained a clause which had a tremendous effect on the history
and development of the West: Clause Fifteen provided that both Great Britain
and France should have unrestricted trade with and a sphere of influence over
their respective allies. Upon this clause the British based their claims to
all the land held by the Iroquoian confederacy as well as that of their allies
south of the Ohio.28 The first clash between the two nations
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27C11A34:282v-283v; "Vaudreuil correspondence," RAQ, 1947-1948, pp. 264-265; "Cadillac papers," MPHC, XXXIII, 572; WHC, XVI, 311-312.
28Frances G. Davenport (ed.), European treaties bearing on the history of the United States and its dependencies (4 vols., Washington,