Indiana Historical Collections,
vol. 14
A Political Biography
BY
DOROTHY BURNE GOEBEL, Ph. D.
Instructor in History, Hunter College
____________
PUBLISHED
BY THE
HISTORICAL BUREAU
OF THE
INDIANA LIBRARY AND HISTORICAL DEPARTMENT
INDIANAPOLIS
1926
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operating at the same time, the Wabash Land Company had secured an enormous
stretch of land from the Indians; the deed of 1775 transferred to the company a
tract of land on the Wabash ninety-three leagues long and seventy wide. In the
same deed the former Indian cession to the French was described as a tract of
land on the Wabash, twenty-four leagues long and seventy wide.35 The
validity of the cession to the Wabash company had been denied by the Indians
concerned36 and had also been reported upon adversely in Congress on
two occasions.37 After consulting with the Indians and the old
French settlers at Vincennes, Harrison accepted the incidental description of
the cession to the French contained in the deed, but warned the secretary of
war that the Indians would not be willing to yield so much land, and he urged
that only a square of twenty-four leagues be claimed.38
Secretary Dearborn did not send Harrison instructions on this matter for several months. In the meantime foreign events had contributed to the formulation of Jefferson's Indian policy, and had determined him to effect the rapid extinguishment of Indian land titles. Rumors of the conclusion of a treaty between Spain and France for the retrocession of the province of Louisiana had been rife for months. In the spring of 1802 Jefferson became convinced of the danger.39 The wistful remembrance in which the Indians held the French was well know to the Americans; and Jefferson appreciated fully the effect that their presence in Louisiana would have. To his growing fears may be traced the change
35For the deed to the Wabash Land Company, see American State
Papers, Indian Affairs, 1:338-39. See also Esarey (ed.), Messages and
Letters, 1:41-42.
36Statement of Rufus Putnam, February 6, 1793, in American State Papers, Indian Affairs, 1:340.
37American State Papers, Public Lands, 1:27, 72, 74..
38Esarey (ed.), Messages and Letters, 1:43.
39Adams, Henry, History of the United States of America, 1:406 (New York, 1890).
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in the tone of Harrison's instructions; for the letter sent Harrison in June,
1802 reflects a clear determination to get as much land from the Indians as
possible, by hook or by crook. Despite the fact that Congress had twice
declared the cessions to the Wabash and Illinois companies worthless because
they had been concluded without the proper sanctions, Harrison was instructed
to ask the Indians if they did not consider these cessions valid, and if not,
what were their reasons. Secondly, he was told to try to persuade the Indians
to transfer these cessions to the United States. If Harrison failed to
accomplish this, he should at least assert a claim to the whole tract which he
considered to have been ceded to the French.40 This letter may be
regarded as the first expression of Jefferson's land policy, and it is patent
that his aspirations exceeded Harrison's.
The investigation of the boundaries and the claims advanced by Harrison aroused considerable anxiety and unrest among the Indians. During the early summer Harrison sent reports of this agitation to the secretary of war, and requested instructions. As President Jefferson was absent, the duty of answering fell on Secretary Dearborn. Alarmed by the prospect of a possible Indian outbreak, he sent Harrison a vague note, moderate in tone. In fact he neatly sidestepped any decision and left the responsibility to Harrison. "I can only say," he wrote, "that prudence forbids our extending our claims to any such lengths as may increase any unfavorable impressions already made on the minds of the Indians. You will therefore treat the subject of the boundaries of the Treaty of Vincennes in such manner as your own judgment shall dictate under existing circumstances."41
Meanwhile Harrison had summoned the chiefs of the Wabash tribes to confer with him at Vincennes on the subject of the boundaries. The council opened on August
40Secretary of war to Harrison, June 17, 1802, in Letter book A,
236-38, Indian Office.
41Secretary of war to Harrison, August 5, 1802, in ibid., 259-60.
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12, but the preliminary treaty was not signed until September 17. According to
instructions received in June, Harrison advanced a claim to the old cessions to
the Wabash and Illinois companies. This proposal threw the Indians into a state
of fury. They flatly denied any such grants and declared they had given only
seven or eight thousand acres to the French.42 When it is recalled
that only ten years before, the United States had solemnly guaranteed to the
Wabash Indians their "right to refuse to sell," and that this
guarantee had been reiterated in the Treaty of Greenville, it is small wonder
that they resisted Harrison's proposals.43 Finally, by the aid of
Captain William Wells, son-in-law of the Miami chief, Little Turtle, the chiefs
were induced to sign a preliminary treaty. By these articles, four chiefs-
Little Turtle, Richardville, Topenebee, and Winamac- were appointed to meet
Harrison the following spring at Fort Wayne and conclude a final treaty for the
cession of a tract of land twelve leagues long and twenty-four leagues wide.44
It may be noted that Wells's father-in-law, Little Turtle, received at this
date an annuity of one hundred and fifty dollars from the United States,45
and probably for this reason was inclined to favor Harrison's plan. Undoubtedly
the chief reason for the adoption of such an arrangement was the fact that the
Indians refused to make a final treaty. Harrison astutely realized that it
would be easier to deal with a few chiefs than with a large assemblage, and he
probably anticipated the effect that a distribution of the annuities at the
signing of the final treaty at Fort Wayne would produce.46
42Dawson, William Henry Harrison, 19-26.
43See Article Four of Vincennes Treaty, American State Papers, Indian Affairs, 1:338, Article Five of the Treaty of Greenville, ibid., 563.
44Dawson, William Henry Harrison,, 26-28.
45Secretary of war to Wells, January 11, 1802, in Letter book A, 144, Indian Office.
46See Dawson, William Henry Harrison, 26. Dawson states that Harrison did not consider himself sufficiently empowered to nego-
8-35810
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Even this preliminary arrangement provoked an outburst of indignation among the
Indians. The Delaware chief, Buckongahelas, sent a protest to Jefferson
himself, though it is doubtful whether the soothing reply from the secretary of
war that the United States wanted only "a Bargain fairly made and perfectly
understood"47 did much to reassure the troubled warrior. As far
as Jefferson was concerned, the Indians' protests fell on deaf ears, for the
public announcement of the retrocession of Louisiana to France had convinced
him of the necessity of procuring all the land west to the Mississippi. For the
Indians he saw but two alternatives- civilization and absorption in the United
States, or removal beyond the Mississippi. This view he communicated to
Harrison in February, 1803; at the same time he sent him a general commission
for concluding treaties with the Indians. "The crisis is pressing,"
he wrote. "Whatever can now be obtained, must be obtained quickly. The
occupation of New Orleans, hourly expected, by the French, is already felt like
a light breeze by the Indians. You know the sentiments they entertain of that
nation. Under the hope of their protection, they will immediately stiffen
against cessions of land to us. We had better therefore do at once what can now
be done." The letter ended with a warning that no inkling of these aims
must be permitted to reach the Indians.48
tiate a final treaty, particularly as the land received represented a
compromise and not the full claim. But by his instructions of June 17, Harrison
was authorized to decide the boundaries finally, and to accept a lesser amount
of land if he could not obtain the full claim. Dawson's position does not,
therefore, seem well taken, and is probably an ingenious explanation to cover
the Indians' unwillingness.
47Secretary of war to Buchengelas [Buckongahelas] and others, January 10, 1803, in Letter book A, 301-2, Indian Office.
48Esarey (ed.), Messages and Letter, 1:70-73. Jefferson never carried out a removal policy in the Northwest, although he considered the project several times. See secretary of war to Harrison, June 21, 1804, in Letter book B, 6; secretary of war to Wells, April 24, 1807, in ibid., 310, Indian Office.
Indiana Historical Collections,
vol. 23.
DIARIES
AND LETTERS
MAY 5, 1799, TO NOVEMBER 12, 1806
Translated from the German of the Original Manuscript
By Harry E. Stocker, Herman T. Frueauff,
and Samuel C. Zeller
Edited by
LAWRENCE HENRY GIPSON
LEHIGH UNIVERSITY
Published
by the
INDIANA HISTORICAL BUREAU
INDIANAPOLIS
1938
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But they returned in the afternoon quite wet, with the news that they had found
their campground but no Indians. We heard later from a white man who had been
in their camp when the Indians were still there, that they had left some days
ago and moved on. In the evening we called the Indian brethren together to advise
about what should be done in the matter.
20th. It was decided last night that the two Indian brethren, John Thomas, and Jacob, should go into the woods in order to find the Indians, if possible, and to get exact information as to the rest of our journey. They took with them a plug of tobacco, around which a white ribbon had been tied, so as, in case they met any Indians, to ask the one of the other to go with this tobacco as a messenger to Woapicamikunk to notify the chiefs of our arrival and that we could not go any farther by water, than twenty miles; and at the same time to remind them of the horses, promised by them for the journey overland.
21st. P. M. Our Indian brethren returned in good spirits. They had encamped in the open air, in the woods, in a hard rain, and had gone for twenty miles without meeting an Indian. They had resolved not to return till they met one of the Indians. Very early as they arose they heard the barking of dogs. They went towards the sound and had hardly gone a couple of miles, when they met an Indian family from Woapicamikunk, in a small camp, and to them they at once stated their wishes. The head of this family at once expressed his willingness to go as a messenger for us to Woapicamikunk and promised in six days to be with us again. He said that with horses it would take us three days to go to Woapicamikunk. Our two Indian brethren were glad that they had now accomplished their object. They ate heartily at the Indian camp and then hastened to us with the welcome message. We were all happy and thanked the Lord for this assistance in our distress. As much as we should have liked to continue our journey we could not, on account of the incessant rain, and remained here for four
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admirable force with their poles. Where they could not move them they would
jump out into the water and draw the canoes along the shore. We two white
brethren, Kluge and Luckenbach, in company with Mr. Harper, drove our cows
while Sr. Kluge rode on horseback. In this way, the first day, we crossed
mountains and fine bottom lands through which a small Indian hunting trail
leads, making 15 miles. Here we at once pitched our tents on a fine grassplot.
24th. In the early morning one of our white people shot a large deer of which we and our Indians received a share. When all had breakfasted we started. At noon we passed a large Indians campground and about 3 P. M. we finally reached the forks safely.23 Here our journey by water came to an end, and everything was unloaded from the canoes. Mr. Harper and the other white men now bade us a friendly farewell. They wished us God's blessing and hastened home with the canoes. We at once built a hut of bark for our things and put them under shelter in this dry place. Then, pitching our tent we thanked the Lord that we had come thus far with his assistance. Now we still had a distance of 100 miles24 by land before us, and we did not yet know how we would accomplish it. Our messenger had not yet returned, but we trusted the Lord that he would find ways and means so that we would at last reach the place of our destination. The White Water creek separates here into two arms, the one from the west and the other from the north. Between these arms or forks we encamped on a stretch of land through which the trail to Woapicamikunk passes, quite near our camp. Quite near there is a fine bottom where our cows found a great quantity of grass. We made ourselves as comfortable as possible and awaited with anxiety the return of our messenger.
25th. A shot was heard early in the morning and our
23The site of Brookville.
24The distance from Brookville to Muncie by railroad is 68 miles.
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Indian brethren at once returned it several times. Soon after, a young painted
Indian arrived. He was encamped only a mile from us and belongs to the family,
the head of which had gone for us to Woapicamikunk as our messenger.
Sunday, the 26th. The entire heathen family today visited us during the afternoon. Br. Kluge held a service, after which our Indians asked us whether they could give some flour to the wife of our messenger because they had had no bread for a whole year; living in the woods, they have only meat. Not only did we allow this but also gave some of ours, for which they were very thankful.
27th. Our Indian brethren went hunting, and we white people made use of the fine weather for unpacking our damp clothes. At the same time we anxiously awaited the return of our messenger from Woapicamikunk. In the evening Br. Joshua told us that this Indian family, of which the head had gone as a messenger, had offered their horse, if we wished to continue our journey during the absence of the messenger, so as not to remain the whole time at one place. They also offered themselves with their children, to carry anything in order to help our advance. We considered the matter with our Indian brethren. They were all in favor of it so that we could move on. We accepted the voluntary offer of these heathen and decided to make a beginning next day.
28th. They brought a horse to our camp and just as we were busy packing, a strong bay horse came running, as if by accident, from the woods, without any one being with it. The Indian brethren recognized it as an Indian horse. Without knowing to whom it belonged we caught it at once, and loaded it also. Thus we now had two horses, with which we transported a good part of our things for five miles. Late at night the Indian brethren returned with the horses and brought us the unpleasant news that the messenger had returned from Woapicamikunk, but had brought no horses for our journey. He had found neither the chiefs nor the Indians at home. The
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he tried to stop the cows. But Br. Kluge went directly towards him and greeted
him in Indian, upon which the Indian turned away with his knife, quite ashamed,
and let us pass unmolested. After going some distance we met Br. Jacob and John
Thomas; soon after, Br. Luckenbach, also, who was hastening back to get the
pack horses and our things from the drunken Indians. He arrived safely in the
evening with the horses and baggage. Now our camp was on the hunting ground of
the Schawanoses.28 We found two hunters' huts logged up in Indian
fashion. One of them we occupied as our quarters, while the Indians took the
other one.
Sunday, the 17th. Br. Kluge held a service for the Indian brethren and reminded them of the glorious ascension of our Lord, because on the 14th we could not observe the day on account of our continual moving. Thus we rejoiced together, thanking Him for all His sufferings, resurrection, and ascension. We asked Him to prepare a place for us in mercy. Some heathen friends of Br. Jacob were present at this service and listened attentively. We felt comforted by our dear Saviour's mercy in all the trying experiences we had passed through. In the evening another dark cloud gathered over us, so that we endured still more severe trials. The dissolute Indian came with the whisky still remaining and encamped a short distance from us. Soon after this another Indian from Fort Hamilton29 passed us here with two barrels of whisky. To our great joy he did not give the Indians a drop, although they stopped him and called after him, but he paid no attention to their shouting and went several miles further. But the Indian with us soon began to share his whisky for pay among
28Throughout this Diary the above spelling is used for the Shawnee;
it is the characteristic form for the eighteenth century. This people was living
in amity with the Delawares, as was suggested in the Introduction.
29Fort Hamilton was established on the Great Miami in September, 1791. The present city of Hamilton, Ohio, is built on the site of the fort.
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