266 |
In this event it will be necessary that I should be informed by the earliest
opportunity in order that the principles of, and arrangements for the treaty
should be fixed.
It will also be of the highest importance that you keep General Wayne constantly informed of your progress and prospects as his movements will be governed by your information.--
As it may be necessary for you to conciliate some chiefs by money and also to obtain runners, you have delivered you a warrant on the treasurer for one thousand dollars for which you will be held accountable.
Of all your disbursements either of money or goods, you will keep fair accounts supported by vouchers in all possible cases, or of witnesses as evidences of the delivery of Goods.
As this will be considered as an extra service from your military employment, your expences will be paid by the publick, and if you succeed in effecting a peace you are hereby promised in behalf of the United States an handsome pecuniary reward.
In case any accident should happen to you while employed on this mission you may rest assured the Government will make a suitable provision for your family.
It has been conceived, that were you to repair to Fort Washington and thence to Fort Jefferson that you would more readily than from any other point find a communication with the hostile Indians-- upon your nearer approach you will form your own judgment and take your own measures-- Having given you a view of the objects and the train in which things are, the rest must be left entirely to your discretion--
267 |
But I cannot close these instructions without urging to you the highest
possible exertions in bringing the War to a close and of devising every proper
mean for that purpose- An Indian war is destructive to the interests of
humanity and an event from which neither dignity or profit can be reaped. It
has been imposed on the Government by strong causes which it could not controul
or prevent and the sooner it is terminated the better- You may be assured that
all the stipulation of rewards you make shall be fully complied with and they
ought to be liberal-
On your arrival at Fort Washington, all the Women & Children belonging to those tribes with whom Major Hamtramck has made peace are to be well clad and released from their captivity- The women to have some of the silver ornaments presented to them.
Enclosed you have a letter to Brigadier General Wilkinson on the subject of the release of the above described prisoners.
These instructions are given by the authority of the President of the United States and are to be regarded accordingly.
Given at the War Office of the United States this twenty second day of May 1792-
|
H KNOX |
273 |
COPY OF LETTER TO GENL KNOX
|
FORT WASHINGTON July 5th 1792 |
Sir
My last letter was from Marietta June 23d. I was not able to leve that place untill the 26th. I halted one day at Galipolis and arrived here on the 2d Instent at 8, oClock in the morning; Soon after my arrivel Genl Wilkinson returned from a Tour to Fort Jefferson with the Disagreable News that on the 25th ult about 100 Indians made an attack [on] a party of men Cuting hay neer Fort Jefferson that 16 of our people ware Killed and Mising, that four Dead bodies only had ben found on whome was marks [of] the
274 |
greatest emity & cruelty practised. a War Club also with a very
extreordinary Spike in the head of it that the Indians had three horses
with them. one man was dressed in a Scarlet Suite and the whole (or at lest a
great part) appeared in white Shirts- Genl Wilkinson further informs me that on
his arrivel at the post he Sent out parties to trace the Enimys back track or
way they came as well as the rout they went off, and that they both came from
and returned toward the lower part, or rapids, of the Tawa River1-
on the third instent arrived Mr. Vego2 & two other Gentlemen
from fort Knox who inform that on the 20th ult Some Weya Cheifs Sent by Majr
Hamtramck to Eel river returned with News that four men going from Some of our
Forts with a Flag had ben Fired on by a party of Indians three of the men
ware killed, the man with the Flag and papers was taken, that after keeping him
one day they killed him also. that the Indians took the papers to Some white
man who could read and that they contained a long and good Talk from a Great
Cheif which when the Indians understood they ware Sorry for what they had don.-
if this acct be true their is little reason to doubt but Colo
Hardy and Major Truman have fallen a Sacrefise and that Soon after they left
Fort Washington as it was intended that they Should not Travel far together-
and their is also Some circumstances in the late affair neer Fort Jefferson
which if attended to I think renders the arrivel of Capt Hendrick at that post
for the purpose expected very doubtfull. the number of Indians in that party, indicates
that they had in view an object of considerable consequence. their dress was
uncommon and Shews
1The Maumee River
2Francis Vigo, a prominent citizen of Vincennes.
275 |
they had ben very lately & very generally furnished with new Shirts by the
British Superintendent. indeed their war parties I beleve Seldom ware any
Shirts while Neer or Seeking their enemy-- the Haymakers could not be their
oreginal object for that business had commenced but 5 days before and therefore
could not be known to them when they Set out on the Expidition provided they
came from the mouth of the Tawa River as is apprehended another circumstance is
that they made the attack on the mowers the very day (or at most but one day
after the time) I had appointed to be at Fort Jefferson, as notified to the
Indians in my Speech Sent them from Pittsburgh dated the 5th of June and which
I have no doubt reached the Grand Councill on the Tawa River Sufficiently early
to have a war party march from thence to Fort Jefferson before the time the
attack was made. from all these circumstances I concive their [is] great reason
to beleve that my self was the oreginal object of that expidition, and if So
and that it was undertaken by General consent of the assembled Chiefs, I think
there is little reason to expect or beleve they are at present inclined to
treat of peace. but prehaps these conjecturs are all wrong or that if I was the
object, yet the party came out through the influenc of the Superintendent or
Some British emmisary with out the consent, and prehaps without the knowledge,
of the Chiefs in general if this Should be the case Hendreck may Soon arrive
with tiding more agreable, then present circumstancs Seeme to warrant
reasonable expectation of--
With Mr. Vego came Weya men whose relations are prisonrs here, and also an Indian by the name of Billa who went out on the expidition with Genl St Clair was in the action was wounded & taken pris-
276 |
oner by the Enimy and Soon after made his escape-- an Interpreter is Sent for
to Kentucke when he arrives I Shall be able to Speeck with these people
and not before. from Major Hamtramck letter and the information of Mr Vego and
others, the real intentions of the Weya & Eel River Indian appear to me
very Doubtfull. to get back their prisonrs in the opinion of the Gentlemen from
Vincennes is the principle object with them; but whatever their intentions may
be I think measures Should be taken to compleat a treety with them agreably to
the Stipulations made with them by Major Hamtramck. for however Desirable an
object it may be to bring them to Philadelphia, I beleve it altogather
impracticable. I am informed that they object Strongly against the proposition
made to them by Major Hamtramck of coming to Fort Washington. they Say it is
too far and they ware promised a treaty at Fort Knox-
It is my opinion that a person be authorized to hold a Treaty with them at Fort Knox & Compleat the business as far as posiable agreably to the articls Stipulate[d] with Hamtramck that Some goods be given them as an Evidence of the ability and disposition of Government to Serve them that the Boundarie of their lands be defined but no proposition of purchase be made at present that Goverment haveing by her Justice and a few acts of liberalety (which will cost little) gained their confidence their Chiefs may afterward be willing (& probably desierous) to make a Journey to the Seat of Government, that they will offer their lands for Sale before the united States will have any ocation for them- that beginning in this way with the Tribs neerest to Vencenneess their is no doubt but others will Soon follow their example and if by this meens the tribes west
277 |
of the Wabash can be detached from the more hostile Nations a point of very
considerable consequence will be gained (the person to be appointed on this
Mission Should be one well disposed toward the Indians & against whome they
entertain no perticuler prejudice & it would be better Still if one can be
found with whom they are acquaint & for whom they have a perticulr
Kindness)
But to return among the more Hostile tribes I do not yet dispair of Success for althoe I have no doubt but many of the Shawones and others at present Shut their ears against and reject every Idea of peace, that they have murdered Major Truman and prehaps every other white man that has ben Sent with Messages of Peace, and that it was a party of these fellows (countenanced and encouraged by presents from Some British agent) that came to Fort Jefferson with a view to take me off yet I much doubt if these measures are Countenanced by the Chiefs in general. I rather beleve they are the work of a few who by Such means expect to distract the Councils of the more moderate and prevent a Treaties takeing place while a great Majorety are wishing for Such an event-- the Same Acct that gives us reason to beleve that Truman & other Messengrs are murdered, informs us that the Presidents Speech was preserved, Interpreted & considered a good one and that they ware Sorry for what they had don. if the Designe of the party who came to Fort Jefferson was to murder me that circumstance also proves that my Speech had reached the Tawa River (and that it has reached the Grand Council I have not the least dout, for I consider the mode of conveyance as certain & Sure) add to this the influence of Hendrick with the Deputys from the Six nations C--[?] Le--[?] and ye Seven
278 |
Castles in Cannada (when they arrive) will have, and I think their is considerable
reason to hope the Nations in general will yet consent to treat of peace--
280 |
COPY OF LETTER TO GENERAL KNOX
|
FORT WASHINGTON July 8th--1792 |
Sir
My letter to you of the fifth instent1 I gave into the hand of Mr Vego at this place who is gon down to the Rapids with an intent to proceed imediately for Philadelphia by the way of Lexington where I expect this letter will be put into his hands--
The more I reflect on the Subject, the more I am convinced, that it will be best to proceed with the Indians on the Wabash &c &c in the maner I have hinted in my letter above refered to and as far as posiable detach them from the councils & Influenc of the other Indians but I think it will not be necessary and prehaps not proper to Stipulate an annual allowance of goods to the Wabash Indians untill a purchas of lands be made which I concive ought not to be proposed to them untill the contest with the Shawone and other hostile nations is ditermined-- for this is the argument made use of by our Enimies (and the only one that would prevail on the Cheppaws & many other tribes to Joyn in the War) and which is continually urged on the Western Indians to Joyne in the confederasie: viz the Americans are after your lands they mean to take them from you and to drive you out of the country: I am informed from good authorety that when the Dellawars Wyandot and Shawones first invited the Chippawas & other tribs to Joyne them in the War, they answered "for why Should we go to war we have no quarel with the Americans when our Farther (meaning the King of Great Brittain) was at war and called on us to Joyne him against a Set of rebelious Children we did So.
1 Page 273.
281 |
but our Father had now made peace with his Children and their is now no reason
why we Should go to war against them. it will be enough for them [us] to go to
war against the Americans when our father calls on us again-- but you Said the
Chippawas are always quareling with your neighbors
To this the Dellawars & Wyandots replyed that the thirteen fires ware endevoring to take their lands from them, that they challenged the whole country as their own, that they (the thirteen fires) had marked out to them a Small tract for hunting ground on which they could not live. well Sais the Chippawas, what is that to us they have not meddled with our lands and why Should we fight for your land you must fight your Selves for them and defend your Country their is reason you Should, but we Shall get nothing by it if we joyn in the war. its better therefore that we mind our own business and live in peace--"
To this the Dellawars &c could find no answer untill a British emmesary whispered in their ear "Tell them that when the American have conquored you & got posession of your country; they will then take theirs also for that is their intention and they will never rest untill they have got the whol." "ah, Replyed the others, is that the case then we will fight too and imediately again took the Tomhawk from the Dellawars Wyandots & Shawones who first moved in the busines-- I have ben the more perticuler in relateing this anecdote (which is a fact that may be relied on) because it clearly Shows the reason why So many Nations are drawn into the War against us that it must be Somthing more then mear British influence, may be clearly argued from their being a greater number engaged in the present contest then the Brit-
282 |
ish Govermt with all their arts ware able to persuaid to take up the hatchet in
the western quarter during the late war, & what can be their motive but the
fear of looseing their lands, or in other words that the Americans intend to
take their lands from them when ever they Shall think proper without their
consent, agreably to the Doctrine of the Treaties at Fort Macintosh and the Big
Mami [Miami] it is therefore in my opinion [?] indispensably nessry to convince
the Western Indians as Soon as posiable that these Suggestions are false
and Sence they will not agree to com to Philadelphia, or even Fort Washington
the[y] Should be treated with at Vincennes as Soon as posiable
in confidence that a Commision will Soon arrive impowering Major Hamtramck [or] Some other person to hold a Treety at Vincenes agreably to the Stipulations he has made with those Indians a part of the Indian Goods here will be forwarded with the prisoners to Vincennes.
yesterday a Canoe going up the Ohio to Columbia at two mile distenc from this place ware attacked. one man killed one wounded a Boy taken prisoner-- a woman made escape unhurt
this is another discourageing circumstance with respect to my hereing from Hendrick in the way expected, and with Some a conclusive evidence that the grand council is brook up with a diterminat[ion] of Continuing the War. but I doubt this for their has ben Scarcely time Sence the Chiefs of the Six Nations left Philadelphia for them first to report to the council that was to meet at Buffaloe and then for the Deputies to come forard to Tawa River, and I do not beleve that under all circumstances the grand Council at the Tawa would deside on the business and brake
283 |
up before the Deputies from the Seven Castles and the six Nations had had an
oppertunity to Speak their Sentiments-- I am ditermined to Send another Speech
to the Beligerent tribes if I can persuade any of the Wabash Indian here to
carry it-- I have Several reasons for makeing this attempt. First if Some Bad
men have murdered our Messenge[rs] who ware carrying the presidents Speech--
althoe the Speech may be carried to the Council, they may consider it as not
properly coming before them, and the Chiefs may be in doubt whether we will now
receve a Message from them or not the arrivel of a new Speech I think will
remove this doubt althoe I mention northing of the rumour I have
heard besides by a Message of this Sort I expect to assertain the fact
whether our Messengers are murdered or not and also to reduce the matter to a
Certainty whether they will let me Speak with them or not. I propose to remain
here for the present as it is uncertain whether any Flag will arrive from the
enimy or at what post they may come in, and Should Hendrick arrive at Fort
Jefferson as proposed, I Shall have notice in 36 hours--
But Suppose that after all rational means is used to accommodate this business by treety we fail in the attempt and that a continuance of the war is inevitable. pardon me Sir if unasked I offer Some Sentiments on the Subject. Mr Hutchens and others have Said a great deal about the good Navigation of the Alleghena River & French Creek, the Big Bever, the Cayahoga, & Muskingum, the Hockhocking, Sioto, & Sanduskey, the Wabash & Tawa or Miami of the lake, and it is true that they are all very fine Rivers and at certain Seasons many of them afford plenty of water to float Craft of very considerable burden for a great Distance. but the fact is that not one of them
284 |
will Serve any Valuable purpus for transporting by water the Bagage Stores
& provision of an army for any considerable distance, toward any object
where govermt can possiably mean to point their force in any offencive
opperation. even the Ohio at Some Seasons is defecult if not quite impassable
at Some parts. therefore all considerable movements of an army between the Ohio
and lake Erie Should be calculated to be by land-- (you will permit me to Speak
freely I know you will not be ofended, because my intention is good and I
write with the utmost defference) to establish a Capital post at the Miami
Village with a proper Number of intermediate Stations sufficient to Secure a
communication from Fort Washington to that place is undoubtedly an object to be
perseveared in, and I think if the busines is conducted in a prudent maner may
be effected with two thousand men without any hazard of considerable loss. but
to Stop here will by no means induce the Indians to treat. it will be rather
provokeing then distressing to them, nor will the Territory [?] recive any
considerable protection thereby. My opinion is not to advance any farther in
this quarter at present, but to make arrangement for carr[y]ing a line of
Stations from the mouth of the big bever on the Ohio by way of the Salt Spring
to the mouth of Cuyahoga on lake Erie where I would build a Strong Post which a
garison of 200 men would be able to defend against all the Indians in the
world. here I would build Such Water Craft as Should be thought necssry to transport
the army I intended to make use of this way into the mouth of the Tawa
River as far as the rapid 14 mile up or to Such place as Should be found most
convenant for Establishing a post their (for I will paun my reputation upon it,
if from the
285 |
overturs now makeing the Indians are not brought to a treaty they never will
untill you establish a post in the mouth of the Tawa river and prevent the
British agent with his Emisaris and Indians Counceling their togather, or in
the Indian language put out their Council Fire in that place) this is the place
where every year the British agent distributes the annual presents to all the
Nations far and neer inhabiting the Country South of Lake Erie and Westward
beyond the Miami village while the army are Building the fort at Cuyahoga
and preparing their Water Craft the western army Should proceed with caution
& erecting Stations advance toward the Miamy Villags and Establish them
Selvs there the Indians Seeing two armys advan[cin]g in different
directions will probably be destratd in their Councils, they would probably
consider the Country of Wyandots Dellawars and Shawnes as lost their
allies will most if not all withdraw themselves and the others Sue for peace or
quit their Country or if that Should not be the case as they would never
know when your army would move nor where that from Cuyahoga would Strike could never
be able to prevent them from landing and by works Securing them Selvs against
ten times their number. nor, Should they Still be obstinate, could they prevent
the two armies from establishing a line of communication [?] from the mouth of
the Tawa River to the post at the Miami villages-- the Security that Such an
arang[me]nt would give to all the Country which would be theirby encircled as
well as to the Six Nations and the Inhabitants in the Vicinity of the Alligany
river is too obvious to need Ilustration-- it has ben the opinion of Some that
a post Should be Established on Lake Erie at Prisquele [Presque Isle] but
286 |
I am by no means of that opinion. Because the distance is much greater from
Pittsburgh (or from any place on the Allegena to which water Carriage [?] is
always certain) to Prisqueal then from the mouth of Big Bever to Cuyahoga and
the Country much worse for makeing a roade. Indeed from Big Bever to Cuyahoga
the country is very level and except for about Seven or Eight mile very dry and
good for a road while the other is very hilly a greater part of the way and for
15 mile very wet-- Besides the Distance is neerly Double from Prisquele to the
Tawa as from ye Cuyahoga & if a post is made at Prisquele their must be a
nother at Cuyahoga, for Such is the Nature of the Navagation of Lake Erie
especially for Some Distance west from the mouth of Cuyehoga that Boats or
vessels must always put in at Cuyahoga in their passage westward; and wait a
favorable time of wind and wether to pass the Rockey Shore which extends Some
miles west of this River (which is described by this mark X, on Hutchens Map)
after pass[ing] these rocks the Shore is good and harbours numerous and Safe.
on the west bank of Cuyahoga is a riseing ground from whence the Country about
is Commanded as well as the entrence into the River, which is Deep &
navigable for Vessels of considerable Burthen Seven or Eight mile up-- the rout
from the mouth of Bever Creek I expect will be on the west Sid untill we are
two or prehaps three mile above Kishkuske where is a ford and water Shallow and
here I expect would be the first Station. 25 mile from thence the rout will be
part on the North Side of the Creek & part of the way on the S passing neer
Salt Lick & Mohoning villags to cross the Cayahoga about 10 miles from its
mouth. the number of intermediate posts will Depend on the
287 |
Distance it Shall be though[t] proper to place them from each other alowing
about 20 mile to be a proper distance then four only will be required viz one
at crossing the Bevor above Kishkuske one where we cross the Cuyahoga and two
between. I beleve this to be the nearest and best rout by which a communication
can be opened between the ohio River and lake Erie without having reguard to
water navigation, which whoever depends on will find them Selves decived-
althoe I doubt not but at Some Seasons considerable advantage may be derived
from water carage on Most of the Rivers mentioned, and I beleve the Big Bever
and Cayahoga may Some times be made a good use of for that purpos-
The facts I have mentioned in this Statement I beleve may be relied on I have them from a Gentleman of Judgment and undoubted Verasety who has had full oppertunty to examin the country not only on the rout from big Bever to Cayahoga but has also traveled by many diffrnt roads from the Big Bever to Sandusky and Detroit and is fully acquainted with all the Streams that make a part of the Muskingum River as well as the Southern Shore of Lake Erie and all the Streams that fall into it between Cayahoga & Detroit- in Some part of this rout the country is open in other parts are thickets of Brush to Cut out but the principle defeculty is a Swamp & Wet ground for Seven or Eight mile the greatest part of which must be causwayed, but I am told that timber is handy & plenty and if So one man will easily make one rod in a day and alowing 640 men can be well employed they will make this part of the road in 4 days however if it Should happen to be a dry fall its doubtfull if one fouth part of the distance mentioned will require Bridging in the first move-
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