Consolidated Docket No. 317, Defendant Exhibits 61-171

Dft. Ex. 98

The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

pp. 266, 267, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278,
    280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287.

 



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Knox, Henry
Instructions to Brigadier General Rufus Putnam,
War Office, May 2, 1792.
pp. 257-267.

266


In this event it will be necessary that I should be informed by the earliest opportunity in order that the principles of, and arrangements for the treaty should be fixed.

It will also be of the highest importance that you keep General Wayne constantly informed of your progress and prospects as his movements will be governed by your information.--

As it may be necessary for you to conciliate some chiefs by money and also to obtain runners, you have delivered you a warrant on the treasurer for one thousand dollars for which you will be held accountable.

Of all your disbursements either of money or goods, you will keep fair accounts supported by vouchers in all possible cases, or of witnesses as evidences of the delivery of Goods.

As this will be considered as an extra service from your military employment, your expences will be paid by the publick, and if you succeed in effecting a peace you are hereby promised in behalf of the United States an handsome pecuniary reward.

In case any accident should happen to you while employed on this mission you may rest assured the Government will make a suitable provision for your family.

It has been conceived, that were you to repair to Fort Washington and thence to Fort Jefferson that you would more readily than from any other point find a communication with the hostile Indians-- upon your nearer approach you will form your own judgment and take your own measures-- Having given you a view of the objects and the train in which things are, the rest must be left entirely to your discretion--



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Knox, Henry
Instructions to Brigadier General Rufus Putnam,
War Office, May 2, 1792.
pp. 257-267.

267


But I cannot close these instructions without urging to you the highest possible exertions in bringing the War to a close and of devising every proper mean for that purpose- An Indian war is destructive to the interests of humanity and an event from which neither dignity or profit can be reaped. It has been imposed on the Government by strong causes which it could not controul or prevent and the sooner it is terminated the better- You may be assured that all the stipulation of rewards you make shall be fully complied with and they ought to be liberal-

On your arrival at Fort Washington, all the Women & Children belonging to those tribes with whom Major Hamtramck has made peace are to be well clad and released from their captivity- The women to have some of the silver ornaments presented to them.

Enclosed you have a letter to Brigadier General Wilkinson on the subject of the release of the above described prisoners.

These instructions are given by the authority of the President of the United States and are to be regarded accordingly.

Given at the War Office of the United States this twenty second day of May 1792-

H KNOX        
Secy of War   

 



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to Genl. Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 5, 1792.
pp. 273-278.

273

 

COPY OF LETTER TO GENL KNOX

FORT WASHINGTON July 5th 1792   

Sir

My last letter was from Marietta June 23d. I was not able to leve that place untill the 26th. I halted one day at Galipolis and arrived here on the 2d Instent at 8, oClock in the morning; Soon after my arrivel Genl Wilkinson returned from a Tour to Fort Jefferson with the Disagreable News that on the 25th ult about 100 Indians made an attack [on] a party of men Cuting hay neer Fort Jefferson that 16 of our people ware Killed and Mising, that four Dead bodies only had ben found on whome was marks [of] the



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to Genl. Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 5, 1792.
pp. 273-278.

274


greatest emity & cruelty practised. a War Club also with a very extreordinary Spike in the head of it  that the Indians had three horses with them. one man was dressed in a Scarlet Suite and the whole (or at lest a great part) appeared in white Shirts- Genl Wilkinson further informs me that on his arrivel at the post he Sent out parties to trace the Enimys back track or way they came as well as the rout they went off, and that they both came from and returned toward the lower part, or rapids, of the Tawa River1- on the third instent arrived Mr. Vego2 & two other Gentlemen from fort Knox who inform that on the 20th ult Some Weya Cheifs Sent by Majr Hamtramck to Eel river returned with News that four men going from Some of our Forts with a Flag had ben Fired on by a party of Indians three of the men ware killed, the man with the Flag and papers was taken, that after keeping him one day they killed him also. that the Indians took the papers to Some white man who could read and that they contained a long and good Talk from a Great Cheif which when the Indians understood they ware Sorry for what they had don.- if this acct be true their is little reason to doubt but Colo Hardy and Major Truman have fallen a Sacrefise and that Soon after they left Fort Washington as it was intended that they Should not Travel far together- and their is also Some circumstances in the late affair neer Fort Jefferson which if attended to I think renders the arrivel of Capt Hendrick at that post for the purpose expected very doubtfull. the number of Indians in that party, indicates that they had in view an object of considerable consequence. their dress was uncommon and Shews

1The Maumee River

2Francis Vigo, a prominent citizen of Vincennes.



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to Genl. Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 5, 1792.
pp. 273-278.

275


they had ben very lately & very generally furnished with new Shirts by the British Superintendent. indeed their war parties I beleve Seldom ware any Shirts while Neer or Seeking their enemy-- the Haymakers could not be their oreginal object for that business had commenced but 5 days before and therefore could not be known to them when they Set out on the Expidition provided they came from the mouth of the Tawa River as is apprehended another circumstance is that they made the attack on the mowers the very day (or at most but one day after the time) I had appointed to be at Fort Jefferson, as notified to the Indians in my Speech Sent them from Pittsburgh dated the 5th of June and which I have no doubt reached the Grand Councill on the Tawa River Sufficiently early to have a war party march from thence to Fort Jefferson before the time the attack was made. from all these circumstances I concive their [is] great reason to beleve that my self was the oreginal object of that expidition, and if So and that it was undertaken by General consent of the assembled Chiefs, I think there is little reason to expect or beleve they are at present inclined to treat of peace. but prehaps these conjecturs are all wrong or that if I was the object, yet the party came out through the influenc of the Superintendent or Some British emmisary with out the consent, and prehaps without the knowledge, of the Chiefs in general  if this Should be the case Hendreck may Soon arrive with tiding more agreable, then present circumstancs Seeme to warrant reasonable expectation of--

With Mr. Vego came Weya men whose relations are prisonrs here, and also an Indian by the name of Billa who went out on the expidition with Genl St Clair was in the action was wounded & taken pris-



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to Genl. Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 5, 1792.
pp. 273-278.

276


oner by the Enimy and Soon after made his escape-- an Interpreter is Sent for to Kentucke when he arrives I Shall be able to Speeck with these people and not before. from Major Hamtramck letter and the information of Mr Vego and others, the real intentions of the Weya & Eel River Indian appear to me very Doubtfull. to get back their prisonrs in the opinion of the Gentlemen from Vincennes is the principle object with them; but whatever their intentions may be I think measures Should be taken to compleat a treety with them agreably to the Stipulations made with them by Major Hamtramck. for however Desirable an object it may be to bring them to Philadelphia, I beleve it altogather impracticable. I am informed that they object Strongly against the proposition made to them by Major Hamtramck of coming to Fort Washington. they Say it is too far and they ware promised a treaty at Fort Knox-

It is my opinion that a person be authorized to hold a Treaty with them at Fort Knox & Compleat the business as far as posiable agreably to the articls Stipulate[d] with Hamtramck that Some goods be given them as an Evidence of the ability and disposition of Government to Serve them that the Boundarie of their lands be defined but no proposition of purchase be made at present that Goverment haveing by her Justice and a few acts of liberalety (which will cost little) gained their confidence their Chiefs may afterward be willing (& probably desierous) to make a Journey to the Seat of Government, that they will offer their lands for Sale before the united States will have any ocation for them- that beginning in this way with the Tribs neerest to Vencenneess their is no doubt but others will Soon follow their example and if by this meens the tribes west



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to Genl. Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 5, 1792.
pp. 273-278.

277


of the Wabash can be detached from the more hostile Nations a point of very considerable consequence will be gained (the person to be appointed on this Mission Should be one well disposed toward the Indians & against whome they entertain no perticuler prejudice & it would be better Still if one can be found with whom they are acquaint & for whom they have a perticulr Kindness)

But to return among the more Hostile tribes I do not yet dispair of Success for althoe I have no doubt but many of the Shawones and others at present Shut their ears against and reject every Idea of peace, that they have murdered Major Truman and prehaps every other white man that has ben Sent with Messages of Peace, and that it was a party of these fellows (countenanced and encouraged by presents from Some British agent) that came to Fort Jefferson with a view to take me off yet I much doubt if these measures are Countenanced by the Chiefs in general. I rather beleve they are the work of a few who by Such means expect to distract the Councils of the more moderate and prevent a Treaties takeing place while a great Majorety are wishing for Such an event-- the Same Acct that gives us reason to beleve that Truman & other Messengrs are murdered, informs us that the Presidents Speech was preserved, Interpreted & considered a good one and that they ware Sorry for what they had don. if the Designe of the party who came to Fort Jefferson was to murder me that circumstance also proves that my Speech had reached the Tawa River (and that it has reached the Grand Council I have not the least dout, for I consider the mode of conveyance as certain & Sure) add to this the influence of Hendrick with the Deputys from the Six nations C--[?] Le--[?] and ye Seven



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to Genl. Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 5, 1792.
pp. 273-278.

278


Castles in Cannada (when they arrive) will have, and I think their is considerable reason to hope the Nations in general will yet consent to treat of peace--



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to General Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 8, 1792.
p. 280-290.

280

COPY OF LETTER TO GENERAL KNOX

FORT WASHINGTON July 8th--1792   

Sir

My letter to you of the fifth instent1 I gave into the hand of Mr Vego at this place who is gon down to the Rapids with an intent to proceed imediately for Philadelphia by the way of Lexington where I expect this letter will be put into his hands--

The more I reflect on the Subject, the more I am convinced, that it will be best to proceed with the Indians on the Wabash &c &c in the maner I have hinted in my letter above refered to and as far as posiable detach them from the councils & Influenc of the other Indians but I think it will not be necessary and prehaps not proper to Stipulate an annual allowance of goods to the Wabash Indians untill a purchas of lands be made which I concive ought not to be proposed to them untill the contest with the Shawone and other hostile nations is ditermined-- for this is the argument made use of by our Enimies (and the only one that would prevail on the Cheppaws & many other tribes to Joyn in the War) and which is continually urged on the Western Indians to Joyne in the confederasie: viz the Americans are after your lands they mean to take them from you and to drive you out of the country: I am informed from good authorety that when the Dellawars Wyandot and Shawones first invited the Chippawas & other tribs to Joyne them in the War, they answered "for why Should we go to war we have no quarel with the Americans when our Farther (meaning the King of Great Brittain) was at war and called on us to Joyne him against a Set of rebelious Children we did So.

1 Page 273.



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to General Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 8, 1792.
pp. 280-290.

281


but our Father had now made peace with his Children and their is now no reason why we Should go to war against them. it will be enough for them [us] to go to war against the Americans when our father calls on us again-- but you Said the Chippawas are always quareling with your neighbors

To this the Dellawars & Wyandots replyed that the thirteen fires ware endevoring to take their lands from them, that they challenged the whole country as their own, that they (the thirteen fires) had marked out to them a Small tract for hunting ground on which they could not live. well Sais the Chippawas, what is that to us they have not meddled with our lands and why Should we fight for your land you must fight your Selves for them and defend your Country their is reason you Should, but we Shall get nothing by it if we joyn in the war. its better therefore that we mind our own business and live in peace--"

To this the Dellawars &c could find no answer untill a British emmesary whispered in their ear "Tell them that when the American have conquored you & got posession of your country; they will then take theirs also for that is their intention and they will never rest untill they have got the whol." "ah, Replyed the others, is that the case then we will fight too and imediately again took the Tomhawk from the Dellawars Wyandots & Shawones who first moved in the busines-- I have ben the more perticuler in relateing this anecdote (which is a fact that may be relied on) because it clearly Shows the reason why So many Nations are drawn into the War against us that it must be Somthing more then mear British influence, may be clearly argued from their being a greater number engaged in the present contest then the Brit-



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to General Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 8, 1792.
pp. 280-290.

282


ish Govermt with all their arts ware able to persuaid to take up the hatchet in the western quarter during the late war, & what can be their motive but the fear of looseing their lands, or in other words that the Americans intend to take their lands from them when ever they Shall think proper without their consent, agreably to the Doctrine of the Treaties at Fort Macintosh and the Big Mami [Miami] it is therefore in my opinion [?] indispensably nessry to convince the Western Indians as Soon as posiable that these Suggestions are false and Sence they will not agree to com to Philadelphia, or even Fort Washington the[y] Should be treated with at Vincennes as Soon as posiable

in confidence that a Commision will Soon arrive impowering Major Hamtramck [or] Some other person to hold a Treety at Vincenes agreably to the Stipulations he has made with those Indians a part of the Indian Goods here will be forwarded with the prisoners to Vincennes.

yesterday a Canoe going up the Ohio to Columbia at two mile distenc from this place ware attacked. one man killed one wounded a Boy taken prisoner-- a woman made escape unhurt

this is another discourageing circumstance with respect to my hereing from Hendrick in the way expected, and with Some a conclusive evidence that the grand council is brook up with a diterminat[ion] of Continuing the War. but I doubt this for their has ben Scarcely time Sence the Chiefs of the Six Nations left Philadelphia for them first to report to the council that was to meet at Buffaloe and then for the Deputies to come forard to Tawa River, and I do not beleve that under all circumstances the grand Council at the Tawa would deside on the business and brake



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to General Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 8, 1792.
pp. 280-290.

283


up before the Deputies from the Seven Castles and the six Nations had had an oppertunity to Speak their Sentiments-- I am ditermined to Send another Speech to the Beligerent tribes if I can persuade any of the Wabash Indian here to carry it-- I have Several reasons for makeing this attempt. First if Some Bad men have murdered our Messenge[rs] who ware carrying the presidents Speech-- althoe the Speech may be carried to the Council, they may consider it as not properly coming before them, and the Chiefs may be in doubt whether we will now receve a Message from them or not the arrivel of a new Speech I think will remove this doubt althoe I mention northing of the rumour I have heard besides by a Message of this Sort I expect to assertain the fact whether our Messengers are murdered or not and also to reduce the matter to a Certainty whether they will let me Speak with them or not. I propose to remain here for the present as it is uncertain whether any Flag will arrive from the enimy or at what post they may come in, and Should Hendrick arrive at Fort Jefferson as proposed, I Shall have notice in 36 hours--

But Suppose that after all rational means is used to accommodate this business by treety we fail in the attempt and that a continuance of the war is inevitable. pardon me Sir if unasked I offer Some Sentiments on the Subject. Mr Hutchens and others have Said a great deal about the good Navigation of the Alleghena River & French Creek, the Big Bever, the Cayahoga, & Muskingum, the Hockhocking, Sioto, & Sanduskey, the Wabash & Tawa or Miami of the lake, and it is true that they are all very fine Rivers and at certain Seasons many of them afford plenty of water to float Craft of very considerable burden for a great Distance. but the fact is that not one of them



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to General Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 8, 1792.
pp. 280-290.

284


will Serve any Valuable purpus for transporting by water the Bagage Stores & provision of an army for any considerable distance, toward any object where govermt can possiably mean to point their force in any offencive opperation. even the Ohio at Some Seasons is defecult if not quite impassable at Some parts. therefore all considerable movements of an army between the Ohio and lake Erie Should be calculated to be by land-- (you will permit me to Speak freely I know you will not be ofended, because my intention is good and I write with the utmost defference) to establish a Capital post at the Miami Village with a proper Number of intermediate Stations sufficient to Secure a communication from Fort Washington to that place is undoubtedly an object to be perseveared in, and I think if the busines is conducted in a prudent maner may be effected with two thousand men without any hazard of considerable loss. but to Stop here will by no means induce the Indians to treat. it will be rather provokeing then distressing to them, nor will the Territory [?] recive any considerable protection thereby. My opinion is not to advance any farther in this quarter at present, but to make arrangement for carr[y]ing a line of Stations from the mouth of the big bever on the Ohio by way of the Salt Spring to the mouth of Cuyahoga on lake Erie where I would build a Strong Post which a garison of 200 men would be able to defend against all the Indians in the world. here I would build Such Water Craft as Should be thought necssry to transport the army I intended to make use of this way into the mouth of the Tawa River as far as the rapid 14 mile up or to Such place as Should be found most convenant for Establishing a post their (for I will paun my reputation upon it, if from the



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to General Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 8, 1792.
pp. 280-290.

285


overturs now makeing the Indians are not brought to a treaty they never will untill you establish a post in the mouth of the Tawa river and prevent the British agent with his Emisaris and Indians Counceling their togather, or in the Indian language put out their Council Fire in that place) this is the place where every year the British agent distributes the annual presents to all the Nations far and neer inhabiting the Country South of Lake Erie and Westward beyond the Miami village while the army are Building the fort at Cuyahoga and preparing their Water Craft the western army Should proceed with caution & erecting Stations advance toward the Miamy Villags and Establish them Selvs there the Indians Seeing two armys advan[cin]g in different directions will probably be destratd in their Councils, they would probably consider the Country of Wyandots Dellawars and Shawnes as lost  their allies will most if not all withdraw themselves and the others Sue for peace or quit their Country or if that Should not be the case as they would never know when your army would move nor where that from Cuyahoga would Strike could never be able to prevent them from landing and by works Securing them Selvs against ten times their number. nor, Should they Still be obstinate, could they prevent the two armies from establishing a line of communication [?] from the mouth of the Tawa River to the post at the Miami villages-- the Security that Such an arang[me]nt would give to all the Country which would be theirby encircled as well as to the Six Nations and the Inhabitants in the Vicinity of the Alligany river is too obvious to need Ilustration-- it has ben the opinion of Some that a post Should be Established on Lake Erie at Prisquele [Presque Isle] but



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to General Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 8, 1792.
pp. 280-290.

286


I am by no means of that opinion. Because the distance is much greater from Pittsburgh (or from any place on the Allegena to which water Carriage [?] is always certain) to Prisqueal then from the mouth of Big Bever to Cuyahoga and the Country much worse for makeing a roade. Indeed from Big Bever to Cuyahoga the country is very level and except for about Seven or Eight mile very dry and good for a road while the other is very hilly a greater part of the way and for 15 mile very wet-- Besides the Distance is neerly Double from Prisquele to the Tawa as from ye Cuyahoga & if a post is made at Prisquele their must be a nother at Cuyahoga, for Such is the Nature of the Navagation of Lake Erie especially for Some Distance west from the mouth of Cuyehoga that Boats or vessels must always put in at Cuyahoga in their passage westward; and wait a favorable time of wind and wether to pass the Rockey Shore which extends Some miles west of this River (which is described by this mark X, on Hutchens Map) after pass[ing] these rocks the Shore is good and harbours numerous and Safe. on the west bank of Cuyahoga is a riseing ground from whence the Country about is Commanded as well as the entrence into the River, which is Deep & navigable for Vessels of considerable Burthen Seven or Eight mile up-- the rout from the mouth of Bever Creek I expect will be on the west Sid untill we are two or prehaps three mile above Kishkuske where is a ford and water Shallow and here I expect would be the first Station. 25 mile from thence the rout will be part on the North Side of the Creek & part of the way on the S passing neer Salt Lick & Mohoning villags to cross the Cayahoga about 10 miles from its mouth. the number of intermediate posts will Depend on the



Buell, comp., The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam

Putnam, Rufus
Letter to General Knox, (copy),
Fort Washington, July 8, 1792.
pp. 280-290.

287


Distance it Shall be though[t] proper to place them from each other alowing about 20 mile to be a proper distance then four only will be required viz one at crossing the Bevor above Kishkuske one where we cross the Cuyahoga and two between. I beleve this to be the nearest and best rout by which a communication can be opened between the ohio River and lake Erie without having reguard to water navigation, which whoever depends on will find them Selves decived- althoe I doubt not but at Some Seasons considerable advantage may be derived from water carage on Most of the Rivers mentioned, and I beleve the Big Bever and Cayahoga may Some times be made a good use of for that purpos-

The facts I have mentioned in this Statement I beleve may be relied on I have them from a Gentleman of Judgment and undoubted Verasety who has had full oppertunty to examin the country not only on the rout from big Bever to Cayahoga but has also traveled by many diffrnt roads from the Big Bever to Sandusky and Detroit and is fully acquainted with all the Streams that make a part of the Muskingum River as well as the Southern Shore of Lake Erie and all the Streams that fall into it between Cayahoga & Detroit- in Some part of this rout the country is open in other parts are thickets of Brush to Cut out but the principle defeculty is a Swamp & Wet ground for Seven or Eight mile the greatest part of which must be causwayed, but I am told that timber is handy & plenty and if So one man will easily make one rod in a day and alowing 640 men can be well employed they will make this part of the road in 4 days however if it Should happen to be a dry fall its doubtfull if one fouth part of the distance mentioned will require Bridging in the first move-


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