Consolidated Docket No. 317, Defendant Exhibits 61-171

Dft. Ex. 67

Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library

 

o        Vol. 23, pp. 11, 307, 392, 393.

o        Vol. 29, pp. 32, 33, 122, 123, 149, and 150.

 



Collections of the Illinois State HIstorical Library, vol. 23.

La Salle, Robert Cavelier, Sieur de
On the Illinois Country,
[enclosed with the letter of Frontenac,
November 9, 1680.]
pp. 1-16.

LA SALLE ON ILLINOIS COUNTRY

11


D'allouez1 qui les a batisez a quitté les Ilinois, a moins que son bâton qu'il a laissé bien envelopé pour marque que cette terre luy apartient n'ait quelque vertu extraordinaire. Voila les seuls Chrestiens que je sache qui n'y peuvent etre que in fide Ecclesia.

Le Pere D'Allouez s'est retiré dans un village Composé partie de Miamis, partie de Mascoutins et D'Ochiatinens qui ont abandonné leur ancien Vilage et le plus grand nombre de leurs parens pour faire alliance avec les Iroquois et faire avec Eux la guerre aux Ilinois. Pour cela ils en envoierent Cinq l'Esté passé et une femme en Ambassade-avec une lettre du P. Dallouez. La fin de leur Ambassade etoit d'exciter les Iroquois a s'unir a Eux pour faire la guerre aux Ilinois, II y avoit 24. jours que cette affaire se negocioit lorsque j'arrivay a Tanochioragon Vilage des Sonnontouans,2 mais comme l'on scut que j'etois a Cannargaro3 ou etoit le P. Raffux,4 II vint la nuit suivante une femme de ce

[Translation]

d'Allouez,1 who baptized them, has left the Illinois, unless a staff which he has left wrapped up behind to indicate that this country is to be the field of his labor, has any extraordinary virtue. These are the only Christians I know who cannot but be in the faith of the church.

Father d'Allouez has retired to a village composed partly of Miami and partly of Mascouten and Wea who have abandoned their old village and most of their kinsmen in order to make an alliance with the Iroquois and along with them carry on war against the Illinois. For that reason they sent five men and a woman last summer as an embassy with a letter from Father d'Allouez. The purpose of their embassy was to urge the Iroquois to join them in making war on the Illinois. This matter had been under negotiation for twenty-four days when I arrived at the Sanchioragon village of the Seneca,2 but as it was known that I was at Kanagaro3 where Father Raffeix4 was, a woman who had
______________

1Claude Jean Allouez, S. J., 1622-1689.

2The Seneca tribe of the Iroquois confederacy.

3Kanagaro, a Seneca town, destroyed during Denonville's expedition of 1687. Handbook of American Indians, 1:649.

4Pierre Raffeix, S. J., 1633 [?]-1724. He devoted a number of years to the Cayuga and Seneca missions. R. G. Thwaites, Jesuit Relations 47 :319-320.



Collections of the Illinois State HIstorical Library, vol. 23.

[Deliette]
Memoir Concerning the Illinois Country
pp. 301-396.

DE GANNES MEMOIR

307


sauvages chiaouenons Mais outre que je ne les ay jamais vuës que deux ans j'avois si peu de penchant pour leur langues et une si grand envie de sçavoir celle des Illinois que j'en ay ay apris tres peu de chose, ce qui me faisoit d'autant plus m'y attacher c'est qu'on me disoit que la langue des Illinois et Miamis estoient la mesme chose, aussi est il vray il n'y a point de difference sinon que l'accent Illinois est fort bref et le Miamis tres Long L'un prononce L'h. et l'autre L. f. c'est pourquoy en 1688, je priay feu Mr de Tonty de trouver bon, que j'acompagnasse un Village d'Illinois qui s'en alloient a la Chasse aux Boeufs pour cinq semaines, ce qu'il m'accorda aisement estant bien aise que j'apprisse cette langue, ou il me voyoit de la disposition, pour pouvoir avec sureté s'absenter quand ces affaires le demanderoient et me laisser a sa place, il me recommanda au Chef de ce Village et on me mis avec un engagé que j'avois dans une Cabane d'hommes sauvages si tant est qu'il y en ayent parmis des Barbares.

[Translation]

arrive until 1687. It was very easy for me, in view of my extreme youth, to learn the language of this nation.

There were also a hundred families of Shawnee. But, aside from the fact that I never saw them except for two years, I had so little inclination for their language, and so great a desire to know that of the Illinois, that I learned very little of it. What spurred my desires still more was that I was told that the languages of the Illinois and of the Miami were the same, and this is true, there being no difference except that the accent of the Illinois is very short and that of the Miami very long. One pronounces the h and the other the f. This was my reason, in 1688, for begging Monsieur de Tonti to allow me to accompany a village of Illinois who were going off on a buffalo hunt for five weeks. This request he readily granted, being pleased to have me learn this language, for which task he saw I had some talent, that he might safely absent himself when his affairs demanded it, and leave me in his place. He recommended me to the chief of this village, and with my servant I was placed in a cabin of savage men, if one may say that there be any among barbarians.



Collections of the Illinois State HIstorical Library, vol. 23.

[Deliette]
Memoir Concerning the Illinois Country
pp. 302-396.

392

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS


En quatre années consecutives que j'ay Resé avec Les aouciatenons a Chicagoua qui est Le Village Le plus considerable des Miamis qui y ont esté Etablis 10. ou 12. ans, je n'ay trouvé aucune difference de leurs moeurs a celles des Illinois, non plus que de leur Langue. La seule qu'il y a est qu'ils restent fort peu de temps Etablis dans un Endroit.

La premiere année que je vint de france, ils etoient Establis en deça du Vieux fort, d'ou L'année d'ensuite ils se separerent pour aller partie dans Le haute de Mississipi et L'autre a la Riviere de St Joseph, et a Lembouchure de la Riviere de Chipiscatouy1 qui se décharge dans le Lac Mechigané, a 20. L. en deça de Chicagoua du Costé du nord ou ces derniers ne resterent que tres peu de temps aussy bien que ceux du Mississipi, et allerent faire village dans La Riviere du Kinouickouy qui se decharge aussi dans ce Lac a douze Lieuës de Chicagoua du costé du sud et a la fourche de celle de Tiatiky, Trois ans apres une partie quitterent pour aller sur Le

[Translation]

During four consecutive years that I remained with the Wea at Chicago, which is the most considerable village of the Miami, who have been settled there for ten or twelve years, I have found no difference between their manners and those of the Illinois, nor in their language either. The only difference is that they remain settled in one place only a very short time.

The year that I first came from France, they were settled on this side of the old fort. A year later they separated, part to go to the upper Mississippi, and the others to the St. Joseph River and to the mouth of the Root River,1 which empties into Lake Michigan, twenty leagues on this side of Chicago toward the north. These latter remained only a very short time, as well as those who went to the Mississippi. They went to form a village at the river Grand Calumet, which also empties into this lake twelve leagues from the Chicago toward the south and at the fork of the Kankakee River. Three years later part of them left to go to
_____________

1The Root River flows into Lake Michigan at Racine, Wisconsin.



Collections of the Illinois State HIstorical Library, vol. 23

[Deliette]
Memoir Concerning the Illinois Country
pp. 302-396.

DE GANNES MEMOIR

393


Bord de ouabache ou ils étoient encore quand je suis descendus pour satisfaire aux ordres que Monsr Le Marquis de Vaudreuil m'avoit envoyé, ceux qui alloient a la Riviere St Joseph y ont esté toujours jusqu'au temps que Mr De la Mothe Les a Invitées de s'approcher du détroit, Cette nation ne nous a pas esté inutile dans Le temps que nous avions La guerre avec L'Iroquois et principallement ceux de la Riviere St Joseph par Les frequents partis de ces sauvages qui alloient chez eux, Et qui rarement ne revenoient point sans faire coup. Cette Nation est aussy Nombreuse a ce que je croy que celle des Illinois, elle est composée de six Villages, qui sont les Chachakingoya aouciatenons, aughichia, autrefois Marineoneia Kiratikas, Minghakokias et pepepikokias meilleurs chasseurs que les Illinois au Castor Et l'estime aussi beaucoup plus.

La Riviere de ouabache dont Je vient de parler, ou sont une partie des Miamis Etablis est une tres belle Riviere, aussy tous Les sauvages l'appellent de mesme, je ne sçay ou elle prend sa Source, mais je sçay que de chez Les Iroquois il ny a pas

[Translation]

the banks of the Wabash, where they still remained when I came down in obedience to the orders which Monsieur the Marquis de Vaudreuil had sent me. Those who went to the St. Joseph River remained there up to the time when Monsieur de la Mothe invited them to come nearer to the Strait. This nation was not useless to us at the time when we had war with the Iroquois. This is especially true of those on the St. Joseph River, owing to the frequency with which parties of these savages went among them, who rarely returned without making a successful attack.

This nation, I believe, is as populous as the Illinois. It is composed of six villages which are the Chachakingoya, Aouciatenons, Anghichia, formerly Marineoueia, Kiratikas, Minghakokias, and Pepikokia; they are better beaver hunters than the Illinois, and esteem the beaver more highly also.

The Wabash River, of which I have just spoken, on which part of the Miami are settled, is a very beautiful river, and all the savages call it such. I do not know where it has its source, but I know that it is not very far from the Iroquois country. It flows



Collections of the Illinois State HIstorical Library, vol. 29.

Vaudreuil de Cavagnal, Pierre Rigaud de
Letter to Maurepas,
September 19, 1747.
pp. 31-35.

32

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS


alliener toutes les autres nations, des quils auroient pour Eux Celle des chactas, il est aisé même de Juger des progrez dont ils Seroient Capables par ceux quils ont faits depuis La guerre parmy Les Nations du Nord et celles de la dependence des Jlinois, Suivant les avis que J'en ay Receu Le Mois d'aoust dernier ou Le Cher de Bertet m'a marqué qu'il s'Estoit faite une Conspiration presque general tant de la part des nations Jlinoises que de celles d'ouabache pour détruire les postes de ce Continent a la sollicitation des Anglois et par L Entremise des hurons et des99v Jroquois des cinq nations que Le Cher de Longueüil commandant au Detroit memarque avoir Levé Le Casseteste Sur le françois, m'ajoutant que les hurons nous ont tués cinq Voyageurs a Sandoské et nous ont declarés la guerre, quil y avoit toute apparence qu'ils S'en repentiroient S Estant Refugiés dans le petit Lac de Sandoské, d'ou ils Le menaçoient d'une prochaine jrruption a Sçavoir cependant S'ils Seront en Etat dela faire et S'ils ne Seront pas plutost assez occupés a segarder qu'au reste il

[Translation]

English would succeed in alienating all the other tribes from us once they had gained the Choctaw. It is even easy to judge what progress they might make from what they have accomplished since the war among the tribes in the north and those dependent on the Illinois, according to the information which I received in August last. The Chevalier de Bertet then informed me that there was an almost universal conspiracy on the part of the Illinois tribes as well as those of the Wabash to destroy the posts of that region at the request of the English and by the intervention of the Huron and of the Iroquois of the Five Nations. These last, the Chevalier de Longueuil, commandant at Detroit, informs me, have lifted the tomahawk against the French. He adds that the Huron have killed five of our voyageurs at Sandusky and have declared war on us; there was every appearance that they would repent of it, since they had taken refuge on the Little Lake at Sandusky from which they threatened him with a further attack. He added however that it was a question if they were in a position to make it and if they were not rather



Collections of the Illinois State HIstorical Library, vol. 29.

Vaudreuil de Cavagnal, Pierre Rigaud de
Letter to Maurepas,
September 19, 1747.
pp. 31-35.

VAUDREUIL TO MAUREPAS, SEPTEMBER, 1747

33


Les attendoit et Se tenoit bien sur ses gardes, que leur dessein Etoit de tuer par trahison tous les francois et meme Leur missionaire et Luy de L Emmener prisonnier aux Anglois, mais que La Conspiration S'estoit decouverte ce qui les avoit mis dans le Cas de ne pouvoir rien Entreprendre Jusqu'a Lors, celle trahison ne regardoit pas100 Seullement Le françois mais Encore les Jrroquois du Sault St Louis et Les hurons de Lorette qui Estoient pour Lors au Détroit et qui paroissoient bien disposés a S'En Venger, cet officier M'ajoute dailleur que ce coup de trahison a obligé les Miamis et Leurs Nations voisines a relascher chacunnes dans leurs postes, Etant en chemin de Se rendre a Montreal et que L'on craignoit que Les Jrroquois des cinq Nations ne fussent d'Jntelligence avec les hurons comme L'on le pouvoit presumer par un Coup de Leurs gens revenants de Montreal Sur des habitants de la païs qui Ecarissoient des Bois Entre chambly Et Le fort St Frederik. Pour en revenir a La trahison dont Le Cher De Bertet a Eté menacé, il auroit Euë tout Lieu d'en craindre les

[Translation]

occupied in guarding themselves; for the rest he would await it and would stand on his guard. He said their plan had been to kill all the French by treachery, even their missionary, and him himself, or to carry him off a prisoner to the English; but the conspiracy had been discovered, which put them in the situation of being able to undertake nothing up to the present. This treason concerned not merely the French but also the Iroquois of Sault St. Louis and the Huron of Lorette who were at Detroit and who appeared disposed to revenge themselves. That officer adds further that this treacherous blow obliged the Miami and their neighbor tribes who were en route to Montreal to go back to their respective posts, and that it was feared the Iroquois of the Five Nations might have an understanding with the Huron. This might be inferred from an attack by their people returning from Montreal on the inhabitants of the country who were cutting timber between Chambly and Fort St. Frederick.

To go back to the treachery with which the Chevalier de Bertet was threatened, there would have been every reason to



Collections of the Illinois State HIstorical Library, vol. 29.
pp. 122-123.

Charles de Raymond
Report, October, 1749.

122

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS


cette bande des Miamis a lever leur village de Tepiconneau pour le plaçer icy aupres du fort français
Icy Je pense aussi que c'est le moyen de faire revenir la Demoiselle376 Je ne dois avoir reponse de leur deliberation que ce printems, au rêtour de leur hivernement. Si elles n'etoient pas conformes aux esperances quils m'ont donné et aux dispositions dans lesquelles ils Sont partis de faire ce que je voudray, Je travailleray afrais nouveaux a eteindre leur feu de Tepiconneau pour l'allumer icy.

RAYMOND ON THE MIAMI, October, 1749

[A N Colonies C11A 95 :379v]1

..............................................................................................................................
Le Pied froid est le grand Chef de tous les Miamis. Cette nation est divisée en plusieurs bandes, La première est celle du pied froid.

La Seconde c'est celle de la Demoiselle qui reste a la riviere a la Roche avec les Anglais, c'est cette bande qui pïlla les fran-

[Translation]

the Miami have always conducted themselves, which has decided me to move their village of Tippecanoe and establish it here near the French fort. I think also that that is the way to make La Demoiselle return. I can not expect to hear the result of their deliberation until this spring on their return from their winter quarters. If they have not conformed themselves to the hopes which they have given me and to the disposition to do what I wish in which they left, I will put forth new efforts to extinguish their fire at Tippecanoe in order to kindle it here.

...................................................................................................................................
Le Pied Froid is the great chief of the Miami. This nation is divided into several bands, the first being that of Le Pied Froid. The second is that of La Demoiselle, which remains at Great Miami River with the English. This is the band which
_____________

1Inclosed in the above letter. Indian councils of October 6, 1749 and October 8, 1750 have been omitted.



Collections of the Illinois State HIstorical Library, vol. 29.
pp. 122-123

Charles de Raymond
Report, October, 1749.
January 5, 1750.

RAYMOND ON THE MIAMI, 1749

123


cais dans le fort des Miamis et les fit prisonniers et mit le feu au fort apres le Pïllage
380

La 3e bande reste a Tepiconneaux a 15 a 20. Lieuës d'Jcy, elle a pour chef le nommé Le Gris Jeune homme qui ne Gouverne point Sa bande par Luy meme, n'aiant point encore l'Experience, elle est conduitte par un ou deux chef. Ce jeune chef a reçu ce printems une medaille du Roy et de trés gros presents par M Le Cher de Longueüil au Detroit. M de Carqueville1 m'ecrit qu'il a accepté de la part de la Demlle un collier pour fraper sur le français.

aux Environs des Poutet8atamis a la riviere st Joseph Jl y a 5. a 6 cabannes des Miamis qui Se sont detachés de la bande du Gris et qui depuis quelques années habitent ces endroits.

[Translation]

pillaged the French at the Miamis fort, made them prisoners, and set fire to the fort after the pillage.

The third band remains at Tippecanoe, fifteen to twenty leagues from here. It has for chief the person named Le Gris, a young man who does not govern his band himself, not yet having had any experience; it is guided by one or two chiefs. This young chief received this spring one of the king's medals and very large presents from M. Ie Chevalier de Longueuil at Detroit. M. de Carqueville1 writes me that he has accepted from La Demoiselle a wampum belt to strike the French.

In the neighborhood of the Potawatomi at the St. Joseph River there are five or six cabins of Miami who have separated from the band of Le Gris and who for some years have lived in those parts.
______________

1Claude Drouet, Sieur de Carqueville, 1718-1755, who made his escape from Dartaguiette's defeat. A N Colonies C13C 4 :202-205. May 8, 1747 he married Marguerite de Couagne at Montreal. Tanguay, Dictionnaire, 3.451. He was commissioned ensign February 28, 1748. Canadian Archives, 1905, volume 1, part 6, p. 104. August 11, 1748 he signed at St. Joseph on his way to Ouiatanon where he commanded till sometime in 1751. A N Colonies C11A 116:159, 401v; 119:26,27. He was serving on the Ohio in 1754. The burial register at Fort Duquesne records the death, July 9, 1755, of M. Denicheville, esquire, Sieur de Carqueville, lieutenant about thirty-three years of age. Bulletin des Recherches Historiques, 19:196.



Collections of the Illinois State HIstorical Library, vol. 29.

Raymond, Charles de
Letter to La Jonquière,
January 5, 1750.
pp. 149-156.

RAYMOND TO LA JONQUIERE

149

 

RAYMOND TO LA JONQUIÈRE, January 5, 1750

[A N Colonies C11A 95:380]

Lettre du 5. Janvier 1750.

MONSIEUR.

La Demoiselle paroit fort eloigné a ce que J'aprend de tenir la parolle qu'il a donné par les colliers que vous a remis M de Celoron de revenir aux Miamis avec Sa bande, ce sauvage a Envoyé des parolles dans tous les hivernements des Miamis des bandes du pied froid et du Gris et dans ceux des Poutet8atamis de St Joseph et des 8yatanons pour les faire aller a la riviere a la Roche, Jls ont tous promis d'y porter leurs pelleteri&eumls;. La nouvelle Generalle est qu'une partye des 8yatanons doivent S'y aller êtablir Le pied froid craint que tous les Sauvages de Sa bande ne prennent ce party, aucuns de ceux qui ont été de ce coté lá l'automne dernier, n'ensont revenûs.

Depuis le dêpart de M de Celoron de la riviere a la roche, Jl y est venu une quantité d'anglais dans tous380v ces cottés la qui y ont aporté une grande quantité d'armes tous les Sauvages

[Translation]

Letter of January 5, 1750

MONSIEUR:

From what I hear La Demoiselle appears very far indeed from keeping the word which he gave by the wampum belts which M. de Céloron sent you, to return to the Miamis post with his band. This Indian has sent messages into all the winter quarters of the Miami of the bands of Le Pied Froid and Le Gris and in those of the Potawatomi of St. Joseph and the Wea to induce them to go to the Great Miami River. They have all promised to carry their peltry there. The general report is that a party of Wea is to go there to settle. Le Pied Froid fears lest all the Indians of his band adopt this course. None of those who went in that direction last fall have returned.

Since the departure of M. de Céloron from the Great Miami River a number of English have come into those regions who have brought a great quantity of arms. All the Indians say that



Collections of the Illinois State HIstorical Library, vol. 29.

Raymond, Charles de
Letter to La Jonquière,
January 5, 1750.
pp. 149-156.

150

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS


disent qu'ils doivent ce printems Se batir a la riviere a la Roche et que toutes les nations leur avoïent promis de les y Soutenir. Jl est certain quelles se rengent toutes de ces cotés lá et que ces pays cy sont perdus pour nous Si les anglais Sy etablissent et même S'ils y restent plus longtems, c'est Eux qui corrompent entierement tous les Sauvages des pays d'Enhaut. Avant quil y eut des anglais dans tous ces cotés Cy, ils nous ont toujours été fideles et on faisoit d'Eux tout ce quon vouloit, Jl est Jnutil de croire qu'on viendra a bout de faire retirer dans leur village les differentes nations qui se sont retirées dans la Belle riviere, rivieres blanche et a la Roche, tent qu'il y paroitra Seulement un seul anglais, toutes les nations n'en partiront pas, et avant qu'il Soit peú elles abandonneront tous les posses francais.

Le Detail de tout ce que Jay appris et de ce qui est Venû a ma connoissance est cy joint.

Sur ce que les Sauvages disent que les anglais doivent Se batir ce printems a la riviere a la Roche, J'y Envoyeray des

[Translation]

this spring they are to build on the Great Miami and that all the tribes have promised to support them there. It is certain that all the tribes are ranging themselves in those regions and that the country is lost to us if the English establish themselves there and even if they remain there longer. It is they who completely corrupt all the Indians of the upcountry. Before there were English in those regions the Indians were always faithful to us, and we did what we wished with them. It is useless to believe that we shall attain the end of making return to their villages the various tribes who have gone off to the Ohio River, the Sandusky River, and the Great Miami River so long as there is a single Englishman there. None of the tribes will leave there, and very shortly they will abandon all the French posts.

The details of what I have learned and of everything that has come to my notice are annexed.

As to what the Indians say that the English are to build this spring on Great Miami River, I will send French there to learn


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