|
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD, l765-1781 |
411 |
CRUZAT TO GŔLVEZ
December 18, 1780340
MY DEAR SIR: I am communicating to Your Lordship how the inhabitants of the post Vincennes sent me a petition through Antonio Lefebre, dit Chapeau, which I remit to you. In this petition they beg for my aid in the sad and sorrowful situation in which they find themselves. I have answered them, as is indicated by the reply which Your Lordship will find on the back of the referred-to petition. I trust this will be to the pleasure of Your Lordship, for it is not possible for me to take definitive measures.
The same Antonio Lefebre was entrusted to deliver to me four talks in writing and six collars which were sent me by the chiefs of the Huyatanon and Kickapoo nations, who have always been loyal friends of the French and of us. However, going through Oca, town of the American district, Mr. Dodge who, it is said, is an agent of the states of Virginia, took from this man the writings and the collars referred to. Despite the representation made by him, Dodge responded only by giving him a letter to me. This I have received, and in it have found the talks of the Indians mentioned above. The aforesaid agent kept the six collars which were directed to me.
This irregular procedure, in addition perhaps to prejudicing the nations who keep me ever on guard, is contrary to the understanding and good harmony which I have always observed wherever possible toward the Americans. I have therefore replied (writing on the same matter to Captain Rogers, military commandant of the Americans in the eastern section of the Illinois) to the letter of the agent Dodge, requesting from both in the name of our Catholic sovereign the six aforesaid collars in order to be able to answer the nations, and not to lose my rights nor give them again an occasion to act in a manner opposed to that which I employ with them. Since I have not yet had a reply to my letters nor received the collars, I am herewith remitting to Your Lordship all the original documents bearing on this matter in order that you may take the steps you may consider best. I am also retaining a copy of everything including the declaration of the aforementioned Chapeau, which I have taken for purposes of greater justification.
With reference to the petition of the
inhabitants of the post Vincennes and of the continued petitions of the
Indians, Your Lordship may infer the sad and deplorable situation in which
these find themselves as well as all the French villages in these parts.
Lacking all the most indispensable things for their sustenance and defence,
they find themselves obliged to come continually to this town of St. Louis.
____________
340BL.
412 |
SPAIN IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY |
Although I observe the greatest economy in the presents which I give to the
Indians, I am put to considerable, although necessary, expense. I trust Your
Lordship will not disapprove in view of the indispensable necessity which
confronts me because of the continued coming of Indians who daily arrived to
implore our assistance, since they are without traders and do not possess any
other aid than that of their good and true Spanish father. As far as the
Americans are concerned, they seem in their manner of treating the Indians and
in their coldness toward us, more neutral in the cause which ought to be a
common one for the allies. May God preserve Your Lordship many years.
ST. LOUIS OF YLINUESES, December
18,1780.
Your devoted servant kisses the
hand of Your Lordship.
|
FRANCO. CRUZAT (Rubric) |
Seńor DON BERNARDO DE GÁLVEZ.
DODGE TO CRUZAT
December 25, 1780341
SIR: I have received your honored communication dated the 15th of the present month which has surprised me a good deal, seeing that you are ignorant of our constitutions and that you believe that anybody has the right to mix in affairs of state.
I take the liberty of telling you the contrary with certainty, and that Mr. Chapeau is a subject of the state of Virginia, which has seen fit to appoint me in order to handle that affair, and I shall permit nobody to do it as long as I shall retain my commission. Far be it from me to do anything which might harm or spoil our alliance. I desire always to act in good union and intelligence with you, affairs being handled as they should be.
I have the honor of informing you also that it is not customary for the savages to hold conferences nor to send messages with or through persons who are not authorized to take them and, if anything to the contrary occurs, it is in contravention to the rules laid down by the powers. I shall always maintain this, knowing my orders and instructions very well. If I had had the design of concealing the said messages which were addressed to you and to me, I would have had Mr. Chapeau seized and sent as a prisoner to Williamsburg. Out of consideration for you alone I have permitted him to resume his journey, a favor which he did not deserve.
I am not ignorant of the state of the people
from whom these messages come. They are the subjects of the state of Virginia
which
____________
341BL, (French).
|
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD, l765-1781 |
413 |
I have the honor of serving, and despite the fact that they have signed and
promised allegiance to the King of France, who has no authority, possessions,
nor subjects in this country, I think that it will not be necessary to convince
you that they do not know the submission they ought to give since they have
taken the oath of fidelity. I shall not be surprised if, despite this oath and
promise they made to the King of France, they should ask you for shelter on
your lands, and should offer to swear allegiance to you, in view of the mistake
they have made and their fear of the royalists.
The aforesaid Chapeau told me that the savages were coming with one of our interpreters whom I had intended to entrust with the strands and collars for delivery to you. I am still of the same mind. I am expecting them daily, having nobody else to whom I could entrust them, or who would be entitled to carry them. As for the authority I have, and as for what I have done, those who have given me my powers shall be the judges of my conduct, as I have no accounts to give except to them.
I have the honor of being with respect, Sir, your most humble, and obedient servant,
|
JNO. DODGE |
KASKASKIAS the 25th of
December 1780
TO MONSIEUR CRUZAT, Esquire, Commandant
[Addressed:]
TO MONSIEUR CRUZAT, Commandant for His Catholic Majesty, at
St. Louis.
MALLIET TO CRUZAT
January 9, 1781342
SIR: I have the honor of presenting you my humblest respects and compliments and of informing you of the news which has arrived lately, and which is true. Augustin Rok, my brother-in-law, arrived here the 6th of the current month, having departed from the Bay to come back to his family and his country. He left Montreal the 5th of May, last, where he had been taken prisoner. He left Michillimakinac on the 19th of October, with much difficulty and trouble at the hands of the English, to go to spend the winter at the Bay. He has most generously abandoned his property and his interests, and has many times risked his life to escape from the enemies and come back to his true country. He arrived at my house without mishap after a long journey on foot in a very bad season.
Here is the news, Sir, which he has the honor
of imparting to you: Several worthy persons have learned from a reliable source
_________
p> 342BL, (French).
|
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD, l765-1781 |
415 |
here. I am even obliged to command one to bring you this letter, so much true
zeal do they have for the service of the King and their country. I beg you to
be kind to this man. If you would be so good as to send me several pounds of
powder, it would be a very great help for those whom I am leaving here.
I am, Sir, with respect, your humblest and most faithful servant,
|
MALLIET |
9th of January 1781, at La Mauvaise Terre on the Illinois River.
P. S. If you have any good news to send me, you may make it known to my brother-in-law Rok just as you would to myself. Will you be so kind as to impart it by word of mouth to the bearer of the present letter, because no one remaining here is able to read.
TO Mr. DON FRANCISCO CRUZAT, lieutenant governor of the western part of the Illinois at St. Louis.
CRUZAT TO GÁLVEZ
January 10, 1781343
MY DEAR SIR: On the 26th of last month the Chief El Heturno arrived, bringing me news of the destruction (by a party of Canadians from the Strait under the leadership of a certain Dequente) of a detachment of seventeen Frenchmen who had set out nearly three months ago from the village at Kao, for the purpose of going to take possession of the Fort of St. Joseph, situated in the English dependency fifty-five leagues from the banks of the river. At the fort are four persons commissioned by the English, with seventeen men and a considerable quantity of all sorts of merchandise, which they use only to purchase maize and different sorts of provisions from the neighboring Indians, in order to collect in the fort a store of supplies for the expeditions which they are planning against us. In addition to this, they excite and urge the abovementioned Indian nations to commit in their hostilities their customary cruelties, of which we have had bitter experiences.
The urging of the Indian Heturno, both on his
own account and in behalf of Naquiguen, both chiefs being already known to Your
Lordship, that I should make an expedition against the English of the Fort of
St. Joseph, together with the reasons which I shall state to Your Lordship and
which I believe to be well-founded, compelled me to arrange for the departure
from this town as quickly as possible, on the first of this current month, a
detachment of sixty volunteers under the orders of the Captain of Militia Don
Eugenio Puré, a person skilled in war and accustomed to waging it in these
countries. He, together with the two chiefs mentioned, El Heturno
____________
342BL.
416 |
SPAIN IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY |
and Naquiguen, and several others from the bank of the Illinois who take their
nations with them, form a force sufficient to send to St. Joseph to endeavor to
destroy everything that the enemy has in it. If these stores should remain in
the hands of the English, they would be of assistance in furthering their
hostile plans. I believe that the measures I have taken will be effective in
realizing our hopes. Indeed, it has been indispensable for me to take this
step, as I am going to tell Your Lordship.
FIRST. For me not to have consented to the petition of El Heturno and Naquiguen would have been to demonstrate to them our weakness and to make evident to them our inadequate forces; and perhaps, if they had learned of these facts, it might have been sufficient reason for them to change sides, notwithstanding the evident signs of friendship which they have given us; for the Indians are in the habit of following the strongest one; and the English would not have failed to take advantage of this event, nor would we have escaped experiencing the fatal results of the unfriendliness and inconsistency of the two chiefs referred to.
SECOND. To go to St. Joseph and seize the fort, the English commissioners, the merchandise, and the provisions would have the effect of terrorizing the surrounding nations. It would take from them those who are inciting them to evil acts, and would deprive them of powder and merchandise given to them by the English for hunting and making war upon us. By this means both the destruction of the fort and the supply of provisions in it would be accomplished. Even though the English might not be prevented entirely from carrying out their intentions it would cut off their resources in part and lessen their hopes of having in that place a store of provisions with which to supply those who may attempt to come by that way to attack us this spring.
By permitting El Heturno and Naquiguen to go to make war and giving them forces against our enemies we shall succeed in turning our allied nations against those who are opposed to us; and since both sides are bent on sacrificing themselves mutually, it will compel our Indian allies to be loyal during the war because they will have need of our help to defend themselves. The enemy will not then be able to attack us so easily on account of the opposition and resistance which they will meet from the Indians friendly to us.
With the savages it is always necessary, in order to preserve oneself from their destructive inclinations, to keep them occupied by bringing about disagreements among them, and causing them to war among themselves. This has always been experienced in these countries and every day it is proved more and more. These reasons, and many others which Your Lordship may think of, compelled me to
|
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD, l765-1781 |
417 |
take the unavoidable step of sending the detachment referred to with the
Indians who asked for and were enthusiastic for this expedition. I gave them
everything necessary for the success I desire. I am sure that everything that I
have done in connection with this affair will meet with Your Lordship's
approval.
God keep Your Lordship many
years.
ST. LOUIS OF YLINUESES, January
10, 1781.
I kiss Your Lordship's hands.
Your most faithful servant,
|
FRANCO. CRUZAT (Rubric) |
Seńor DON BERNARDO DE GÁLVEZ.
CRUZAT TO GÁLVEZ
January 18, 1781344
MY DEAR SIR: I remit to Your Lordship the
enclosed letter from Mayet, commandant of the detachment of militia of this
town which I have stationed on the bank of the Illinois. Your Lordship will see
the efforts made by our enemies, the merchandise they expend, and the means by
which they endeavor to win over the Indians and accomplish their ends. I
believe it will not be disagreeable to Your Lordship to have information
concerning Canada should it perhaps not have reached that capital.
May God preserve Your Lordship
many years.
ST. LOUIS OF YLINUESES, January
18, 1781.
Your most devoted servant
kisses the hand of Your Lordship.
|
FRANCO. CRUZAT (Rubric) |
Seńor DON BERNARDO DE GÁLVEZ
MIRÓ TO GIL YBARVO
January 26, 1781345
|
[Draft] |
MY VERY DEAR SIR: The families of this district who are settled in the post of Opelousas will return to their own district as soon as possible. To this end I am today giving the corresponding orders to that commandant, advising you for your information and guidance.
As my governor general has not yet returned, you should not be surprised at not having a reply to the letter addressed by you to His Lordship. I shall give it to him immediately upon his return.
I give you a thousand thanks for the good offices which have been extended to the end that the said Morin should succeed in his enter-
|
POST WAR DECADE, 1782-1791 |
57 |
REPORT ON THE MISSION OF PAULOUS TO THE CHICKASAWS
[September, 1782]31
Paulous, Spanish great medal chief of the Choctaw nation of the Small Part whom I sent with a letter, and the talk for Payemataha, great chief of the Chickasaw nation, reports the following as his reply:
He had been well-received by the Chickasaws and seven different nations, friends of the Spaniards who at that time were there to persuade them to take the side of the Spaniards, and at the same time make peace with them. The names of these nations were as follows: Abenaqui, Shawnee, Kaskaskia, Kickapoo, and Ouhiatanon. They had formerly attacked the Chickasaws.
Payemataha took the letter, but as there was no one who could explain to him its contents, they were stated to him in Spanish by the Choctaw chief who was in charge of it.
Payemataha will not go to Natchez immediately because he has been ill for some time. However, just as soon as his health improves, he will gather together the chiefs in order to go with them, and he will send his brother to me with some warriors, in the hope that I shall give them some munitions, in view of the fact that for some time past he has embraced friendship with the Spaniards. The English who were formerly among the Chickasaws are now established in the forests from whence they can not go out because the Americans would cut them off.
Payemataha is deeply moved by the occurrence on the Mississippi River, wherein Colbert intercepted the boats which were going up to Ylinueses. When this happened, his brother was making preparations to go to Mobile, but suspended the journey, being fearful that he might be accused of having had a hand in the deed. The Chickasaws are poor and there are no other white people except the Spaniards who can supply their necessities.
The two prisoners taken two years before at Mobile had been sent toward the north by Colbert. Many English traders and refugees from Natchez at the time of the rebellion had gathered together on the Piedras River with Turnbull.
Colbert, with several Englishmen and some soldiers, was seventy-nine leagues from the Chickasaws toward the east. According to the statement, he is about at the Petit Bea on the upper Tombigbee River.
In the neighborhood of the place where the
English took the boat of Madame Cruzat there are deposited a hundred barrels of
brandy, much gun powder, blankets and other goods. They carry on com-
____________
31BL.
|
POST WAR DECADE, 1782-1791 |
175 |
LE GRAS TO CLARK
July 22, 1786121
TO GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS CLARK AT THE FALLS.
SIR: It is for the purpose of giving you full information as to what has taken place here that I shall tell you that the Americans living here are facing their ruin. During the night of the 13th to the 14th of the current month there arrived at my house a Frenchman sent by savages from various nations and tribes to warn me of their arrival and to tell me that there were three young men from their party stopping on the other side of the river who demanded a parley. At daybreak I sent out the interpreters, accompanied by another Frenchman, in order that they might listen to them. They said that they had been sent by their chiefs to warn the French that they were fifteen leagues from here at a place called Riviére a la Mothe with all their young warriors, in numbers of about four hundred and fifty, to massacre all the Americans they should find here in their lands and revenge themselves for the betrayals which they were suffering every day and for the inhuman treatment received by one of them recently. They requested me to come before them the same day because they wanted to open their hearts to me, and they did not want to enter into the village without having spoken to me.
As soon as these gentlemen returned, and
after hearing them, I caused to be assembled the magistrates, the officers of
our militias, and a number of other Frenchmen, who unanimously were agreed and
seemed to have made up their minds not to allow the barbarians to injure the
Americans established among them. I was pleased and satisfied with this
determination, and I immediately ordered Major Bosseron to go immediately to
meet this savage party, accompanied by Messieurs Vaudry and Pana, master
interpreters, Antoine Gamelin, Pierre Gamelin, and several other Frenchmen. I
gave them two pipes of peace and two white flags, on my behalf, to stop them
and, in the name of all the Frenchmen, to tell them not to enter in such large numbers
into the village, and that we requested them to return quietly to their wives
and children because we were resolved to defend our neighbors and allies, and
that we were opposed to their raid. As soon as Major Bosseron left, I provided
for the safeguarding of the village, putting everything in good order,
fortifying the minds of the people, and preparing the arms in order to repulse
the blow which was threatening our neighbors. After having warned the Americans
of the danger in which they were because of the number and attitude of the
barbarians, I invited them to take all sorts of precautions to guard themselves
well and defend them-
____________
121BL, (French).
176 |
SPAIN IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY |
selves, and I told them that I was co-operating with all the French to
forestall this fatal blow.
Major Bosseron, having stopped at the Little Rock about three miles from the village, planted his two flags at three o'clock in the afternoon, and discovered this party turning the point. It was composed of forty-seven pirogues, on which there were carried three red flags and two white ones. As soon as they had noticed the French, and the two flags planted on the Rock, they came to them and every one of them disembarked and shook hands with them, and sat down with a very grave mien. Immediately Major Bosseron had one of the calumets lighted and had it presented to them through Sieur Vaudry, saying to them, "My brothers, I and all the Frenchmen whom you see present here have been sent by our Chief who has remained at the village to quiet the women and children who are all in tears. It is you who are making them cry. He asks of you what your intentions are in coming here in such large numbers. Stop here. Do not come around our village. You will see the Frenchman. You will hear him speak. Remember that the Frenchman does not like to see blood spilt on his land."
After he had planted a flag in their midst and cast some ten tobacco rolls before them, all the war chiefs and village chiefs got up, each one in his turn, and said, "My brothers, we are accustomed to listen to you and to hear the truth from you, but behold today twelve nattes displayed and all the young men in arms. Everyone is anxious to avenge himself on the Americans and has made up his mind not to spare anything. You French may live quietly; our intention is not to strike you, but in order not to offend you we shall camp here and wait for the message of our Father. Take pity on us; we are fasting; some of our chiefs will go with you to salute Legras." Major Bosseron and the gentlemen who were accompanying him were surprised at their numbers and at their intention to attack, and embarked with the score of war and village chiefs whom they brought to my house. They also freed some Frenchmen the Indians had stopped on the way.
The chiefs, upon entering my house, shook hands with me and sat down coldly without saying a word. I kept six of the most respected ones and sent back the others with food for one day, strongly urging them to forbid their young men to come near the village tonight because we and the Americans were keeping watch, and had made up our minds to fire on the first one who should present himself. I spent part of the night in conference with the chiefs to bring them to my point of view and to frighten them. The next morning, the 15th, I prepared a present of merchandise worth about five pounds, a pipe of peace, and a flag. After having given my
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