Anthropological Report Docket No. 317 (Cons.)

An Anthropological Report
on the History of the Miamis,
Weas, and Eel River Indians, Vol. I.

 

Chapter II: pp.

 

29, 30, 31, 32, 33,

 

 

34, 35, 36, 37, 38.

 



Drs. Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin
Emily J. Blasingham
Dorothy R. Libby:

An Anthropological Report on the
History of the Miamis, Weas, and
Eel River Indians, Vol. 1.

Chapter 2, pp. 29-38.

29   

Indians of the Wabash Valley and the Illinois County that the Iroquois "were to come and destroy them," According to the Governor of Louisiana this story was spread at the instigation of the English.32 That same year (1747) some Miami seized the French post at present Fort Wayne, burned some of the buildings, took most of the goods, but did not harm the eight Frenchmen then at the post. Shortly afterward the Miami began to waver, and sent two deputies to Detroit to ask for a pardon from the French commandant.33 Through the intervention of the pro-French chief, Le Pied Froid, most of the goods were returned to the French within a year and the French fort at the Miami village was rebuilt.34

In 1748 the French commandant of the Miami post reported that La Demoiselle had renounced his pro-British sympathies and intended to go to Detroit to ask pardon for his share in the pillage of the Miami post. However, La Demoiselle was dissuaded from this course by the Shawnee.35 Le Pied Froid appears to have remained pro-French.36



32. English Translation of Margry, vol. 6,
p. 664; Dft. Ex. 61.

33. Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, vol, 17, pp. 484-485; Dft. Ex. 64.

34. Ibid., vol. 17, pp. 503-504; Dft. Ex. 64. Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, vol. 10, p. 150; Dft. Ex. 83.

35. Document Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, vol. 10, p. 157; Dft. Ex. 83.

36. Ibid., vol. 10, p. 161; Dft. Ex. 83.



Drs. Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin
Emily J. Blasingham
Dorothy R. Libby:

An Anthropological Report on the
History of the Miamis, Weas, and
Eel River Indians, Vol. 1.

Chapter 2, pp. 29-38.

30   

Reflecting their British interests three Miami, presumably from La Demoiselle's band, signed the treaty of Lancaster of July, 1748, between British representatives and various Indian groups, including the Shawnee, Delaware, and Iroquois. These three Miami, Ciquenackqua, Assepansa, and Natoecqueha, "appeared on behalf of themselves and their nation" that they "might be admitted into the Friendship and Alliance of the King of Great Britain."37

According to the Governor-General of Canada, however, less than half of the Miami were pro-British.38 But as we will see, great concern was shown by French officials about the growing numbers of this pro-British group. And with good reason, for in 1749 this group left their upper Maumee village and moved east. By far the greater part of these so-called "rebel" Miami belonged to the band of La Demoiselle. Upon leaving the Maumee, they settled mainly at Pickawillany, on the site of present-day Piqua, Miami County, Ohio. A smaller group under the leadership of Le Baris settled on the Little Miami River, ca. 7.5 miles from its mouth.39

By 1749 the French government of Canada was also alarmed by the encroachments of the British, especially



37. Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, vol. 5,
p. 316; Dft. Ex. 118.

38. Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, vol. 17, p. 505; Dft. Ex. 64.

39. English Translation of Margry, vol. 6, p. 710-713; Dft. Ex. 61.



Drs. Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin
Emily J. Blasingham
Dorothy R. Libby:

An Anthropological Report on the
History of the Miamis, Weas, and
Eel River Indians, Vol. 1.

Chapter 2, pp. 29-38.

31   

Pennsylvania traders, such as George Croghan, in the Ohio Valley region. In June of 1749 Pierre Joseph, Sieur de C?oron, was sent to re-establish French claims to the Allegany and Ohio valleys by re-taking possession of the region for the French king. While on this mission C?oron visited Le Baris' and La Demoiselle's villages, spending a week in the latter's village. He attempted to persuade the Miamis to return to their old center at Kekionga on the upper Maumee River. The inhabitants of both villages assured C?oron that they would go back in the spring. But when he tried to persuade them to hurry their departure and return that fall, they refused, pointing out however "that in their hunting during the winter they would be getting nearer" to the Maumee village. The Miamis and many other groups hunted "at Grand Glaize [Au Glaize River]"40 in 1749-1750.

At the time C?oron visited La Demoiselle's village in mid-September, 1749, there were only "40 or 50 men" (ca. 180-200 souls) in it.41 Le Baris' village was even smaller, consisting of 6-8 huts or ca. 90-130 souls. Combining the population of both villages yields a total population of 330 anti-French Miamis. If we compare this figure with the population of Kekionga as of 1736 (ca. 800 souls), we



40. Ibid., vol. 6,
pp. 712-717; Dft. Ex. 61. Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. 29, pp. 169-170, Dft. Ex. 67.

41. Jesuit Relations, vol. 69, p. 187; Dft. Ex. 63.

42. English Translation of Margry, vol. 6, pp. 710-712; Dft. Ex. 61. Jesuit Relations, vol. 69, p. 183; Dft. Ex. 63.



Drs. Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin
Emily J. Blasingham
Dorothy R. Libby:

An Anthropological Report on the
History of the Miamis, Weas, and
Eel River Indians, Vol. 1.

Chapter 2, pp. 29-38.

32   

see that almost half of the Kekionga population had moved eastward by 1749 into present-day Ohio.

According to Charles de Raymond, commandant of the French Fort Miamis at present Fort Wayne, Indiana, there were in 1749 four distinct Miami bands. Raymond wrote:

This nation [the Miami] is divided into several bands, the first being that of Le Pied Froid [at Kekionga or Fort Wayne, Indiana]. The second is that of La Demoiselle, which remains at Great Miami River with the English [at Piqua, Ohio]. This is the band which pillaged the French at the Miamis fort, made them prisoners, and set fire to the fort after the pillage.

The third band remains at Tippecanoe, fifteen to twenty leagues [37-50 miles] from here.43 It has for chief the person named Le Gris, a young man who does not govern his band himself, not yet having had any experience; it is guided by one or two chiefs....

In the neighborhood of the Potawatomi at the St. Joseph River there are five or six cabins of Miami who have separated from the band of Le Gris and who for some years have lived in those parts.44

 



43. We conclude that Le Gris' village was located at the head of the Tippecanoe River some 37 to 50 miles distant from Fort Miamis, since the mouth of the Tippecanoe is almost twice as far away as the distance given by Raymond. It should be noted that the lower two-thirds of the Tippecanoe is almost due south while the upper third runs almost due west by southwest. The Tippecanoe River heads in Kosciusko and Noble counties, Indiana, approximately 25 miles west of Fort Miamis.

44. Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. 29, pp. 122-123; Dft. Ex. 67.



Drs. Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin
Emily J. Blasingham
Dorothy R. Libby:

An Anthropological Report on the
History of the Miamis, Weas, and
Eel River Indians, Vol. 1.

Chapter 2, pp. 29-38.

33   

In 1749, then, there were five separate Miami villages. Three were in Indiana- Le Pied Froid's at Fort Miamis, Le Gris' on the upper Tippecanoe, and a few cabins on the St. Joseph River of Michigan. Two were in Ohio- La Demoiselle's band at Pickawillany or Piqua, Ohio, and Le Baris' band near the mouth of the Little Miami River.

When C?oron arrived at present-day Fort Wayne, Indiana in late September, 1749 he conferred with Le Pied Froid or Coldfoot, chief at Kekionga, the pro-French Miami village near Fort Miamis. Le Pied Froid warned C?oron not to expect the return of La Demoiselle's band to Kekionga.45 This warning turned out to be true. In March, 1750 Raymond, commandant at the Fort, received word that La Demoiselle would not return, despite his promise to do so.46 Furthermore, throughout the winter and spring of 1750 La Damoiselle turned the tables and tried to induce other Miami groups to come to Pickawillany, La Demoiselle's town on the Great Miami River. Belts were sent to Le Pied Froid at Kekionga and also to Le Gris on the upper Tippecanoe, inviting them and their bands to move to Pickawillany. In the late spring of 1750 it was



45. English Translation of Margry, vol. 6,
pp. 716-717; Dft. Ex. 61.

46. Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. 29, p. 166; Dft. Ex. 67.

47. Ibid., vol. 29, p. 149; Dft. Ex. 67.



Drs. Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin
Emily J. Blasingham
Dorothy R. Libby:

An Anthropological Report on the
History of the Miamis, Weas, and
Eel River Indians, Vol. 1.

Chapter 2, pp. 29-38.

34   

reported that the majority of Le Pied Froid's band planned to desert him and move to Pickawillany.48

At this same time it was also feared that Le Gris' Miami on the upper Tippecanoe River had promised to go to the Great Miami River that fall.49 However in April, 1750 the report of this latter band's projected move was denied, and the Miami of the upper Tippecanoe River declared that they did not wish to go elsewhere. "We promise you," they told the French,

we do not wish to abandon this post, we will always come here [to Fort Miamis] to supply our wants and to carry on our trade as we have always done, and we shall always be faithful as we have been. We are the true children of Onontio [Governor of Canada]. We have always done his will, and we shall always do it. Whatever they may say to us, we shall never change.50

We do not know if these promises made by Le Gris' Miamis were kept or not. However, the inhabitants of Kekionga, the other formerly pro-French Miami village, were definitely wavering in their allegiance, and by the fall of 1750 only the extended family of Le Pied Froid, amounting to "three or four cabins" or ca. 40-60 individuals, remained at Kekionga. The rest of Le Pied Froid's band had departed for Pickawillany.51



48. Ibid., vol. 29,
p. 169; Dft. Ex. 67.

49. Ibid., vol. 29, p. 173; Dft. Ex. 67.

50. Ibid., vol. 29, p. 191; Dft. Ex. 67.

51. Ibid., vol. 29, pp. 392, 396; Dft. Ex. 67.



Drs. Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin
Emily J. Blasingham
Dorothy R. Libby:

An Anthropological Report on the
History of the Miamis, Weas, and
Eel River Indians, Vol. 1.

Chapter 2, pp. 29-38.

35   

During the winter of 1750-1751 George Croghan and Christopher Gist, representatives from the governments of Pennsylvania and Virginia, respectively,52 visited La Demoiselle's village at Pickawillany. Gist's journal of his 1750-1751 trip contains an interesting description of this town and its Miami occupants. According to Gist, Pickawillany was

situate on the NW Side of the Big Miamie River about 150 M[iles] from the Mouth thereof; it consists of about 400 Families [at least 1600 souls] & daily encreasing, it is accounted one of the strongest Indian Towns upon this Part of the Continent- The Twigtwees [Miami] are a very numerous People consisting of many different Tribes under the same Form of Government. Each Tribe has a particular Chief or King, one of which is chosen indifferently out of any Tribe to rule the whole Nation, and is vested with greater Authorities than any of the others- . . . . they were called by the French Miamiees . . .53

Despite a possible exaggeration in Gist's population figures for Pickawillany it is apparent that this village had grown since its first settlement. We know that one Miami band had joined La Demoiselle in 1750, and that other Indians were also being attracted to his town in ca. 1750 because of the availability there of more, and cheaper, trade goods than the French could offer. Some Ottawa and



52. Gist was also Agent for the Ohio Land Company.

53. Mulkearn, ed., George Mercer Papers, p. 19; Dft. Ex. 108.



Drs. Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin
Emily J. Blasingham
Dorothy R. Libby:

An Anthropological Report on the
History of the Miamis, Weas, and
Eel River Indians, Vol. 1.

Chapter 2, pp. 29-38.

36   

Chippewa Indians from northern Michigan had even promised to settle on the Great Miami River in the spring of 1751.54

By 1751 the Indian defections to the Great Miami were so foreboding that the French took positive action. Twice in the winter of 1751, once in February and again in late March, the Miami had refused to leave the Great Miami River region and to forsake their English traders,55 so in the summer of that year the French planned to raid La Demoiselle's village. Those plans, however, came to naught, Except for a few Nipissing, the Detroit Indians whom the French had counted on as allies refused to move when they saw the small French force which was to accompany them.56 Consequently definite action was postponed until the following year.

During the winter of 1751-1752 smallpox was once more epidemic among the Miami. According to the commandant at Fort Miamis this disease had "put the whole of them [the Miami] to the route" and he did not expect the "rebels" at Pickawillany to return. As a result of the smallpox epidemic three of the staunchest pro-French Miami leaders died- Le Pied Froid, Le Gris, and the latter's mother.57 But for the epidemic some of the "rebel" Miami might have returned to



54. Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. 29,
pp. 197-200; Dft. Ex. 67.

55. Ibid., vol. 29, pp. 247-248; Dft. Ex. 67. Mulkearn, ed., George Mercer Papers, pp. 22-23; Dft. Ex. 108.

56. Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, vol. 18, pp. 106-107; Dft. Ex. 64. Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. 29, pp. 416-422; Dft. Ex. 67.

57. Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, vol. 18, p. 108; Dft. Ex. 64.



Drs. Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin
Emily J. Blasingham
Dorothy R. Libby:

An Anthropological Report on the
History of the Miamis, Weas, and
Eel River Indians, Vol. 1.

Chapter 2, pp. 29-38.

37   

Kekionga. At least a party from that village had been to see the French commandant of Fort Miamis, about the time the epidemic broke out.58

After the failure of the French campaign in 1751, strong measures were taken. The Canadian government feared a general Indian uprising.59 but none occurred and the French were able to muster their forces. In the summer of 1752 La Demoiselle's village was captured by Charles Michel Moras, Sieur Langlade, and a large party of northern Indians. Only six persons in the village were killed- one English trader, one Mingo, one Shawnee, and three Miamis including La Demoiselle, who was boiled and eaten because of "his attachment to the English." By this attack Langlade broke the power of the British traders in the Ohio Valley. He took possession of more than 3,000?sterling of trade goods that were stored at Pickawillany, and captured most of the British traders there. When he and his party left Pickawillany, Langlade took most of the Miamis with him as far as Fort Miamis. Only a few Indians remained at Pickawillany- "the young Pianguisha king, Mushguanockque, or the Turtle, two more men, Old Britain's [La Demoiselle's] wife and son, and about a dozen women and their children."60



58. Idem.

59. Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. 29, pp. 381-393; Dft. Ex. 67.

60. Goodman, Journal of William Trent, pp. 84-93; Dft. Ex. 117. Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, vol. 5, pp. 599-600; Dft. Ex. 118. Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, vol. 18, pp. 128-129; Dft. Ex. 64.



Drs. Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin
Emily J. Blasingham
Dorothy R. Libby:

An Anthropological Report on the
History of the Miamis, Weas, and
Eel River Indians, Vol. 1.

Chapter 2, pp. 29-38.

38   

By 1753 most, if not all, of the once anti-French Miami, had again professed loyalty to France.61 However, during the winter of 1752-1753 some Miami, according to a French despatch, went

among the English who were on the lower part of the Ohio . . . .

It was only the rumor of the march of our detachment which brought them
back to their old fire and which had decided them to come down to Montreal to ask. . .
forgiveness . . . .62

We conclude, knowing previous centers of English trading activities in the Ohio Valley, that "the lower part of the Ohio" did not refer to what would now be designated as the lower Ohio Valley, but rather that the reference was to present-day Ohio. Apparently few English traders were in the Ohio country at this time, for in 1754 the Shawnee sent

belts to the Ouyatanons and to the Miamis to induce those nations to assist them in recalling the English to Belle Rivi?e [the Ohio].63

After the outbreak of active hostilities between France and Great Britain in 1754 the Miamis remained definitely pro-French. In late 1755 or early 1756, a French-led party of 150 Miamis and Weas, guided by a few Shawnees, raided English frontier settlements 150 leagues (450 miles) south of Fort



61. Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. 29,
pp. 838-839, 843-844; Dft. Ex. 67.

62. Ibid., vol. 29, pp. 843-844; Dft. Ex. 67.

63. Stevens and Kent, Journal of Chaussegros de Lery, p. 85; Dft. Ex. 109.


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