100 |
In a Journal entry for November 25, 1778 Hamilton first mentioned meeting any Wea on this trip. Several "principal men of the Ouiattonons [Wea] (des consid??) made their appearance" at Hamilton's camp, about 14 miles below the mouth of Eel River.
The names of the men of this nation [Wea] are surely the most whymsical of any in the World La Morve (snot) la mauvaise panse (rot gut) le grand Pin (Toledo) la mauvaise bouche (bad or rotton mouth) la gaine (The sheath)-
The French traders give them the character of being thievish, cruel, and cowardly- As I did not understand the Piankashaa (or Ouiattonon) language, I could not tell what Character these Savages gave the Traders-83
Although we have no knowledge that Hamilton spoke and/or understood Miami, his statement
just quoted is additional contemporary corroborative evidence of the existence
of Wea, Piankashaw and Miami dialects of the Miami-Illinois language. This
dialectic distinctiveness has been noted by present-day linguists.84
None of the Wea who came to the British camp on November 25, 1778 were chiefs. According to Hamilton,
the most reverend of these gentry told me he was himself too old to go to war, besides that he was in mourning, but he would send his Son and some young men, That he was not a Chief, yet [he] had some men at his disposal85
83. Ibid., pp.
129-130; Dft. Ex. 66.
84. Voegelin and Voegelin, Linguistic Map of North America, Legend; Dft. Ex. 102.
85. Barnhart, Hamilton and Clark in the Revolution, p. 130; Dft. Ex. 66.
101 |
Another group of Wea also met Hamilton, several miles above the mouth of the Tippecanoe River. But Hamilton refused to stop and speak with them; he had decided to camp that night down the Wabash, a short distance above the mouth of the Tippecanoe River.86
On November 28, 1778 Hamilton visited White Head (Tete Blanche), a Wea chief, in the latter's cabin near Ouiatanon. White Head "expressed great pleasure at seeing" Hamilton, and told him that he (White Head) "had always encouraged those of his nation to wait my [Hamilton's] arrival."
White Head also mentioned that the Wea "Chiefs who were out at their hunting ground were not very distant and could readyly be summoned."87 A cannon was fired frequently on November 30, which drew in Wea notables from their "wintering." Outarde and other Wea chiefs spoke with Hamilton the next morning, on December 1, 1778, at Ouiatanon.88 All the Wea chiefs must have been hunting not more than 15-20 miles from Ouiatanon to have come in so quickly; it took a Kickapoo chief two days longer to arrive at Ouiatanon from his wintering ground 25 leagues (ca. 60-65 miles) away.89
At Ouiatanon Hamilton first heard comments from the Indians concerning a 1775 sale of land in the vicinity of
86. Ibid., p. 131;
Dft. Ex.
66.
87. Ibid., p. 132; Dft. Ex. 66. Bulletin of the Missouri Historical Society, vol. 12, p. 20; Dft. Ex. 71.
88. Barnhart, Hamilton and Clark in the Revolution, pp. 132-134; Dft. Ex. 66.
89. Ibid., p. 136; Dft. Ex. 66.
102 |
Vincennes by part of the Piankashaw.90 According to White Head, "the sale of Lands made by the Old Tobacco (a Piankashaa) had much displeased all the Indians." In the council with the Wea on December 1, 1778 Hamilton
Spoke to them on the subject of the sale of lands privately made by the Old Tobacco, and some of the Peankashaas, as a thing transacted without the consent of parties concern'd, as an irregular proceeding unauthorized by the Crown whose sanction was necessary to public acts of such a nature that the conpensation was by no means equivalent to what was stipulated by the Kings regulations, which being the case I told them they could not be bound, I therefore in presence of them all burnt the copy of the Contract and cession of lands, telling them that when I should see The Old Tobacco and his son, I should make them understand how imprudently they had acted with regard to their Brethren the River Indians-92
From Hamilton's narrative identification of six Wea chiefs or former chiefs is
possible- La Natte "(the budget) properly means a Mat)," the Tuette,
Le Forgeron (the blacksmith), White Head (Tete Blanche), Petite face, and
Quiquapouhqu? (crooked legs). La Natte was then (1778) dead.93 His
daughter was married to the Tuette.94 Le Forgeron was a Wea chief
who asked Hamilton "for a War
90. For a discussion of this sale, see Chapter
5, Aboriginal Use and Occupancy of Royce Area 56, this Report.
91. Barnhart, Hamilton and Clark in the Revolution, p. 132; Dft. Ex. 66.
92. Ibid., p. 134; Dft. Ex. 66.
93. Ibid., p. 135; Dft. Ex. 66.
94. Ibid., pp. 135-137; Dft. Ex. 66.
103 |
belt."95 White Head (Tete Blanche) was wintering near Ouiatanon.96 "Petite face" was the Wea war chief who, with 22 Wea warriors, accompanied Hamilton to Vincennes.97 And Quiquapouhqu? (crooked legs) [was] an old Chief who had received an English Medal from. . . [Hamilton] at Detroit."98
Comparison of the names of the Weas who had attended a Detroit conference with Hamilton in June, 177899 with the names of the Wea chiefs mentioned by Hamilton in his account of his December, 1778 conferences in the Wea village shows only one name, Quiquapouhqu? (a village chief), duplicated. Adding all names of chiefs mentioned for the two conferences, there seem to have been at least 12 war and peace chiefs among the Wea in 1778. This may indicate a considerable degree of factionalism for this group.
According to Hamilton there were at Ouiatanon "about 90" cabins of Wea; "the families may be estimated at 10 [persons] to a cabin."100 Each cabin would seem to have housed an extended family group, and the total population of the Wea village to have been around 900 souls.
95. Ibid., p. 137;
Dft. Ex.
66.
96. Ibid., p. 132; Dft. Ex. 66.
97. Ibid., p. 135; Dft. Ex. 66.
98. Idem.
99. See pp. 98-99, this Report.
100. Ibid., pp. 132-138; Dft. Ex. 66. Hamilton noted that the Kickapoo village in the neighborhood of Ouiatanon had "96 Cabins" in it, "computed at 10 souls per Cabin- Total 960-" The Weas' "Cabins and manner of living" was "too nearly like that of other Indians to merit any particular description-" according to Hamilton (ibid., pp. 132, 137; Dft. Ex. 66).
104 |
Hunting was apparently excellent in the vicinity of Ouiatanon. On November 28, 1778 Hamilton, then at the Wea chief White Head's winter cabin a few miles above Ouiatonon, noted that "The few Indians at this wintering ground had killed an amazing quantity of game."101
On December 5, 1778 Hamilton and his party left Ouiatanon and proceeded down the Wabash River to Vincennes. On December 7 the party passed the mouth of the Vermilion River, but all the "Indians" from the Vermilion River village were "absent on their Winter hunt.'' From the Vermilion southward to Vincennes Hamilton met only Piankashaw wintering parties.102
An anonymous list of "Indian Nations" in the Northern District of North America in the year 1778 gives the number of combined "Kickapoos, Piankashaws, Musquitons [Mascoutens], Ouiatonons" warriors as 1000 men, living "On the Wabash and its branches" and having "Their Hunting Grounds. . . Between the mouth of the Wabash and the Miami [Maumee] Rivers."103
British control of the Wabash Valley was only briefly re-established by Hamilton. In late February, 1779 Clark recaptured Vincennes.104
After this Clark worked to counteract British influence among the Wabash Valley Indians, calling "together the
101. Ibid., pp.
131-132, 231;
Dft. Ex.
66.
102. Ibid., pp. 139-147; Dft. Ex. 66.
103. Anonymous. A List . . . 1778, Parkman Papers, vol. 27, pp. 454-455; Dft. Ex. 142.
104. Barnhart, Hamilton and Clark in the Revolution, pp. 73-76; Dft. Ex. 66.
105 |
Neighbouring Nations, Peankeshaws, Kickepoes, & others that would not listen" to Hamilton.105 His efforts were seemingly sucessful; a few days after his first call "some Chipoways [Chippewa] and others who had been with Mr Hamilton, came in and begged me to excuse their blindness and take them into favour."106 On March 15, 1779, a party of Piankashaw, Peoria, and Miami came to Clark at Vincennes and assured him of their "fidelity &c. to the Americans and [to] beg their Protection."107
Apparently the Indian groups inhabiting the Wabash Valley remained neutral throughout the remainder of 1779, since there are no references to active hostility by these groups against either the British or the Americans. However this situation changed the next year. By March, 1780, Major Arent S. De Peyster, British army officer who had replaced Hamilton at Detroit, had conferred with the "principal Chiefs of the Hurons, Pottawatamies, Chippawas, Ottawas, Ouiattons [Wea], Miamis, Ouiats [Wea] and the Pirorias [Peoria], with the Keekapoos." These Indians stated in council that if the British government would send a few soldiers, "they would all rise & assist their elder brothers, and act in conjunction in future for the good of the King' s Service.'' De Peyster also reported that the "Wabash Indians"
105. Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. 8, p. 146;
Dft. Ex.
67.
106. Ibid., vol. 8, p. 147; Dft. Ex. 67.
107. Ibid., vol. 8, p. 163; Dft. Ex. 67.
106 |
(i.e., Wea, Piankashaw, Mascouten, and Kickapoo) as well as some Indians from Michilimackinac, had promised to keep Clark's troops bottled up at his post at the Falls of the Ohio (present-day Louisville, Kentucky).108
Despite such promises not all of the Wea, by any means, were pro-British in 1780. By December, 1780, talks from four Wabash River chiefs, three of them Wea and one Kickapoo, were received at St. Louis by Francisco Cruzat, Lieutenant Governor of the northernmost Spanish province of Illinois.109 The speeches of the Wea chiefs expressed friendship for the Spanish and French, and begged for the help of the Spanish commander. The Wea chiefs who sent messages to Cruzat were "Loutarde, Chief of the Ouya," "La Mine de Plomb, The Younger, Replacing the Late Lanette," and "La Jambe Croche, Chief of the Ouya."110
At least two, and probably all three, of these Wea had professed to Hamilton at Ouiatonon in December, 1778 their loyalty to Great Britain. Loutarde was Hamilton's "Outarde," a Wea "orator," and La Jambe Croche (Crooked Leg) was Quiquapouhqu? (Crooked legs).111 We conclude that Hamilton's
108. Historical Collections of the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society,
vol. 9, p. 580,
vol. 10, pp.
378-379; Dft. Ex. 82.
109. Spanish Illinois, lying entirely west of the Mississippi River, is not to be confused with the former French "Illinois Country," which extended on both sides of the Mississippi.
110. Kinnaird, Spain in the Mississippi Valley, pt. 1, pp. 395-396, 400-407, 411-413, 415-417; Dft. Ex. 68. Historical Collections of the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, vol, 10, pp. 448-449; Dft. Ex. 82.
111. See pp. 101-102, this Report.
107 |
"the Tuette," who had married the daughter of the deceased "La Natte" (or Lanette) was the same person as "La Mine de Plomb [Black lead or graphite]" who had replaced "the Late Lanette."112
In spite of the speeches of friendship by the three Wea chiefs late in 1780, Clark reported on October 1, 1781, a growing uneasiness among the "Wabash" Indians because of lack of positive action by American forces against the British and because of the failure of the Americans to supply them with powder and presents. Clark was afraid that "necessity will oblige the whole of them to take up the hatchet in a short time to clothe themselves."113
For several months the "Wabash Indians" vacillated as to their allegiance. In February, 1782, "a Small Tribe of the Wabash Indians Imploring the paternal Succour of their [American] Father" arrived at Kaskaskia. They were given some corn, bread, ammunition and rum. Later in 1782 the Wea, Kickapoo and other groups, "friends of the Spanish," attempted to induce the Chickasaw, whom they had formerly been attacking, "to take the side of the Spaniards."114 However twice in 1782 the British commander DePeyster also held conferences at Detroit with Wea chiefs.
112. See p. 102, this Report. Also Barnhart, Hamilton
and Clark in the Revolution, pp. 135-137,
Dft. Ex.
66.
113. Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. 8, pp. 606-607; Dft. Ex. 67.
114. Mason, Early Chicago and Illinois, p. 315; Dft. Ex. 99. Kinnaird, Spain in the Mississippi Valley, pt. 2, p. 57; Dft. Ex. 68.
108 |
The first such conference was held on April 22 between De Peyster and "Misshikinackwaa, Chief from the Ouit [and] Kickatassia, Chief from the Eel River with a number of their Warriors." At this council Misshikinackwaa reported that he had "been out against the Enemy three different times- I have always been successful." As proof of his success he turned in two White prisoners to the British. But Misshikinackwaa also reported that he and his band were the only ones from his village who were loyal to the British. "Some of our Chiefs and Warriours of our Village," he stated, "are now [April, 1782] speaking with the Rebels having left the Village with that intent."115
The second conference was held on June 14, 1782. At this latter conference some Wea were present. A total of about "fifty Chiefs and Warriors of the Qui, qu, a pous [Kickapoo], Mascontins [Mascouten], Ouiattanong [Wea], Pianquishaw, Miamis and Payaurias [Peorias] Nations" attended the conference, and the Wea chief, La Mine de Plomb (the Tuette) reaffirmed the loyalty of his group to the British.116 Two years before La Mine de Plomb had sent a message of similar content to the Spanish.117 De Peyster was not impressed as to the motives of most of the Indians attending the June, 1782 conference.
115. Historical Collections of the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society,
vol. 10, pp. 567-568;
Dft. Ex.
82.
116. Ibid., vol. 10, pp. 587-589; Dft. Ex. 82.
117. See p. 106, this Report.
109 |
He wrote that "they promise well but seem to come more on account of trading than otherwise."118 Therefore, "doubting the sincerity of their protestations. . .. [De Peyster] obliged [the Indians] to give a proof of their attachment by sending thirty of their warriors" to raid the American frontier. He
also fixed that they should bring. . . [him] early and good intelligence from Post Vincent [Vincennes] as well as guard that pass:- in compliance with my request, they have stationed proper guards upon the Wabash and have brought in the commandant at Post Vincent.119
1783-1805. After the close of the Revolutionary War, the first concern
of British and American officials was to stop Indian raids on the American
frontier. On May 3, 1783 the Detroit commandant, De Peyster, expressed his
concern thus:
I doubt not however, that I shall find some difficulty to restrain the Wabash Indians, but nothing shall be neglected that may in any wise contribute to bring it about. I have indulged them with a trader, in order to induce them to stay at home and follow their hunting- It will also prevent so great a run upon the Kings store [for presents for them].120
In June, 1783 Wea Warriors under Crooked Legs (Ouiquapouhqu?) turned in an American
prisoner. At the same time, while in council with De Peyster, the Wea voiced
their alarm
118. Historical Collections of the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society,
vol. 10, pp. 586,
541;
Dft. Ex.
82.
119. Ibid., vol. 20, p. 54; Dft. Ex. 82.
120. Ibid., vol, 11, p. 363; Dft. Ex. 82.
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