Glenn

THE OHIO VALLEY-GREAT LAKES ETHNOHISTORY ARCHIVES: THE MIAMI COLLECTION
It is noted that the following work from the Miami Archives should be read and considered within the historical context in which it was composed and printed. The opinions expressed and the language used do not reflect the opinions or standards of the Glenn A. Black Laboratory of Archaeology, but are, rather, indicative of thought in that historical moment during which the document was published.


 

Memoir on the Manners, Customs and Religion
of the Savages of North America,

 

Perrot, Nicolas: Leipzig and Paris, 1864.
from Blair, The Indian Tribes of the Upper Mississippi Valley and
Regions of the Great Lakes,
Volume I, Cleveland, Ohio, 1911, pp. 258-263.

pp.

 

258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263

 

 

(p. 258) "XXVI.   Treachery of the Outaouas toward the French."

"Many times, also, have the Outaouas been known to plot against the Frenchmen who were trading with them. Have they not, to my knowledge, presented the dagger to all the tribes of the upper country, in order to incite them to become accomplices in the foul attempt that they longed to make, and to urge them on to massacre those [Frenchmen] who were trading with them? I speak as an eyewitness, for I caused their enterprise to miscarry. (see footnote 180)

"It is known that they murdered the Miami chiefs who had come to confer with the French at Detroit, and whom they attacked on that occasion [1706]. When the Illinois, sided by the French, fought against the Renards, were not they [i.e., the Hurons] ready to massacre the French, if the Renards had [not] been entirely defeated? [1712] It is an indisputable fact that they slew some Irroquois who had put themselves under the protection of the fort at Katarakouy [1704]. Have not we seen the Irroquois help to burn some Sakis who had been captured by them? (see footnote 181)

(p. 259) "The Miamis have slain Frenchmen, the Illinois likewise, the Saulteurs the same, as also the people of the north. On their part there has been only conspiracy against us, without our having made any movement to (p. 260) avenge ourselves. What conclusions may not one draw from the result? Ought we not to conjecture that [even] if the Renards were entirely overthrown (which they are not yet) still other wars could arise; and that the assistance which these traitors obtain from the colony, in order to aid in destroying them, will conduce only to the same destruction for the French? and then they will destroy one another. For there is not a savage tribe which does not bear ill-will to some other. The Miamis and the Illinois hate each other reciprocally; the Irroquois have malicious feelings toward the Outaouas and the Saulteurs; and it is the same with the other tribes. There is not one of those peoples that does not consider itself justified in waging war against the others; accordingly, we can only expect successive and inevitable wars, unless we [do something to] prevent them. But I fear that we are preparing too late to prevent these wars, and that the fires are kindled so brightly that they cannot be extinguished, on account of the aid which the French continue to furnish to other tribes out of consideration for that of the Hurons, who are more treacherous and crafty than all the others; for they would no [longer] be in existence if the French had not protected them, although they have many times incurred our indignation. Such, therefore, are the matters on which I can give you information; I would enlarge somewhat further on them if [my supply of] paper had permitted it. But you can, as a result of what I have [here] set down, easily understand what are the traits of the savages. The instance of the Tsonontounans will readily convince you that it is impossible to depend on any of the tribes; and that it is much better to let them settle their quarrels among themselves than to meddle therein, unless this is to reconcile them. Such arrangements as had [already] been (p. 261) adroitly made would have instilled in their minds notions of fear and subordination; because the Renards, who are almost destroyed, would have only waited for the disobedience of any one of their enemies to join themselves to the people whom the enemy had tried to attack. Thus the Renards, timorous and defeated, would have been forced to agree to the peace, and the others would find themselves compelled to accept it.

"It may be objected to this that all the tribes would be ranged on the side of the English. Alas! are not they [already] thus ranged? Where are the peoples who do not allow themselves to be attracted by cheap merchandise? Do the Hurons, in whom we have most confidence furnish many peltries to Detroit and Montreal? Do not they prefer to carry their furs to the English, and do not they give them to the Miamis? Do not the Illinoetz go among those [English] who are established in Louysiane? It is then, a weak argument to be brought forward, when one means that the tribes would go to give themselves up to the Irroquois; since the latter are more friendly toward the Renards (who are on good terms with the Irroquois) than to any other of the peoples whom they have ruined since the peace concluded, between them and the French. 182 It is also an argument that has (p. 262) no foundation, to try to maintain that the tribes will place themselves under the rule of the English because they carry their peltries to the people-- which it would have been easy to prevent if we had showed less condescension to them and had not been so ready to comply with their humors; it is this which is the source of their arrogant notion that the French cannot get thus along without them, and that we could not maintain ourselves in the Colony without the assistance that they give us.

"I hope that you will be pleased, Monseigneur, to examine this memoir and the others which I have had the honor to place before you; 183 and that in reflecting thereon you will recognize that, at the establishment of (p. 263) the Colony, we began at the outset to assert our authority over the savages (although at that time it contained very few Frenchmen), and we were careful to maintain ourselves in that superiority, despite all the changes that might occur-- notwithstanding that the savages were then more numerous and more barbarous-- I mean, more brutish-- than they now are. But to-day, when they are weaker and more humanized, they try to be masters over us; and already they push their insolence so far as to flatter themselves, if I may say so, that they have a right to lay down the law for us, for they see that we tolerate them and leave them in immunity. If the French, instead of that, had made them understand as they should the obligations under which they are to us, the assistance that we have given them, and that, in a word, the continuance of their maintenance, and protection is in our power, they would feel more respect, regard and obedience toward their benefactors."
__________________

180  "The historians of Canada say nothing, to my knowledge, of this conspiracy by the Outaouais against the coureurs de bois of the colony."-- Tailhan.

181  "In regard to the massacre of the Miami chiefs by the Outaouais the defeat of the Outagamis by the French and the Illinois, and the murder of the Iroquois chiefs at Katarakouy, the reader may turn to Charlevoix (Histoire, vol. ii, 292, 307-309, 365-372). In the same history will also be found some details regarding the murder of three Frenchmen by the Miamis of Saint Joseph (ibid., 322, 223). From 1675 discord prevailed between the Miamis and the Illinois (Letter and journal of Father Marquette), and there was a new outbreak of it in 1687 (Ms. Memoire sur l'estate present du Canada). . . (p. 259) the two tribes, however, in 1691 were reconciled, and marched together against the Iroquois (Journal of Sieur de Courtemanche; in the archives of the Marine)." The murders and treacherous acts ascribed by Perrot to the western tribes must not be too literally understood as such; usually the murders were mere reprisals, and often had only too good reason. Denonville wrote to Seignelay (Letter of June 12, 1686; in archives of the Marine): "It is a marvel that the savages have not killed them all with their clubs, to protect themselves from the acts of violence which they have suffered from the French." This explains the seizure of Perrot's property by the Miamis, and their threat to burn him; it was by way of retaliation for attacks made on them by some French coureurs de bois. As for plots and treason, it must be remembered that the Indians often found it necessary to deal for themselves with enemies from whom the colonial government was either unable or unwilling to protect them; that they sometimes had reason to fear the results of greater friendship between the French and the Iroquois; that very often they sought commercial relations with the English, as being much more advantageous to them than were their dealings with the Canadian merchants; and that those tribes were allies, not subjects, or France, so that their actions just mentioned could not properly be called intrigues or treachery. It must not be forgotten, also, that with very few exceptions the Indian tribes of the west remained faithful to the cause of France until the end of the French domination in America. Frontenac, Denonville, and other French officials had the same distrust of the Indians as Perrot; but the latter governor admitted that they were attracted to the English by the better market thus afforded for the sale of their peltries. As proof of this, is cited a Ms. dated 1689, in the archives of the Marine, showing the difference in prices at Orange [Albany] and Montreal; for one beaver-skin an Indian received at Orange forty pounds of lead, or a red blanket, or a large overcoat, or four shirts, or six pairs of hose, while at Montreal each of these items cost him two pelts, and even three for the above quantity of lead. A gun cost two pelts at Orange, and five at Montreal; and one pelt procured for the Indian eight pounds of gunpowder from the English, while the French demanded four for that quantity. "The other petty wares which the savages buy in trade from the French are given to them by the English as part of the bargain. The English give six pots of brandy for one beaver-skin; this is rum, or guildive (otherwise sugar-cane brandy), which they import from the islands of America [i.e., the West Indies]. The French have not standard [of price] for the brandy trade; some give more, and others less, but they never go so high as one pot for one beaver-skin. . . It is to be noted that the English make no difference as regards the quality of the beaver-skins, which they buy all at the same price-- which is more than fifty per cent higher than the French give; and, besides, there is more than one hundred per cent difference in the value of their trade and that of ours."-- Tailhan.



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