THE OHIO VALLEY-GREAT LAKES ETHNOHISTORY
ARCHIVES: THE MIAMI COLLECTION
It is noted that the following work from the Miami Archives should be read and
considered within the historical context in which it was composed and printed.
The opinions expressed and the language used do not reflect the opinions or
standards of the Glenn A. Black Laboratory of Archaeology, but are, rather,
indicative of thought in that historical moment during which the document was
published.
Letters of Cavalier de La Salle and
Correspondence
Relative to his Undertakings (1678-1685)
Margry, Volume II, Bibliotheque Nationale,
fonds Clairambault 1016; (pp. 198-206: fol. 188, No. 1).
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Part IV, Chapter VII. Letter from Cavelier de La Salle.
(page 128)
. . . There were also a hundred Chaouenons, who had joined them, most of whom
were armed with arrows only.
The village of the Illinois was on the bank of the river, on the northern side. On the south side there is a great rock, very high, and steep almost all round except in one place where it slopes down to the edge of the water for a distance of about one or two leagues, covered with white oaks; and a hundred steps from there, and beyond, is a vast plain stretching southward a very long distance, watered by the River Aramoni, which finally falls into the River of the Illinois (from which it is a distance of three leagues away at this spot) little more than two leagues below the village and it is bordered all along by a narrow fringe of wood. The Illinois proceeded to this plain early in the morning with M. de Tonty at their head, followed by the Sieur de Boisrondet and another Frenchman, the other one remaining by the orders of the said Sieur to guard my papers which had been left there. They saw the Iroquois, who were all in a mass on this side of the wood bordering the River Aramoni, and at once hastened to attack them. M. de Tonty, seeing that they were over matched, restrained them and wished to try to effect an arrangement. For that purpose, he made the Illinois stop, and gave his arms to one of them; and, followed by another, he advanced towards the Iroquois with a necklace in his hand. But as the latter did not stop firing, he sent back the Illinois and came up to them in spite of their shots. He was immediately surrounded, and one of them stabbed him with a knife, either because he did not at first recognize him as a Frenchman, or because he took him for me. The others, throwing themselves in front of. . .
(page 154). . .
The Indians from Boston sent me word that they were awaiting me at the village of the Miamis,- by two canoes which escorted me there. I left some of my men to cultivate (page 155) the land, and the rest followed me. On arriving at the Miami village I found three Iroquois there, who had remained to urge the Miamis to make war on the Illinois. They came to see me immediately and spoke in a very civil manner; but as they had been speaking about the French with great scorn and impertinence, I received them coldly. As they saw that I was accompanied by Frenchmen, Loups, and other Indians from New England, they were afraid and fled at once to their own country through the woods, although I had said nothing more to them than that they spoke insolently of a nation which would know how to make them behave themselves if it did not despise their small numbers, which did not make it worth while to be angry with them; and that I did not think they would dare to repeat, in my presence, the foolish things they had said.
Their flight had a good effect on the minds of the Miamis, who were surprised that these Iroquois, who had not been at all afraid of the fourteen or fifteen hundred men making up their tribe and over fifty Loups and Indians from Boston who had assembled there, had been so terrified at seeing us angry, although we were so few, that they fled all naked, leaving behind all their beaver-skin and their most precious belongings. I immediately called together all the Indians from New England. Some were from Boston, some were Moraigane's, Anhanaganes, Mahigane's, and Minissens, some were from Manathens, Destcaraguetaga, Coiracoitaga, Taractonga, and some belonged to the tribes living between Manathee and Virginia. The chief men are called Ouiouilamech from Boston, Nanangoucy, of the Minissens, near to Boston; Klas of the Mahiganes, Jogman of the Moraiganes, Kouas of the Anhahagane. All those, as I have (page 156) said, have abandoned their own country, either from hatred of the English, or fear of them, and have been wanderers for some years, with no fixed dwelling-place. They would not choose one among our settlements, because of the scarcity of beavers and the difficulty of making clearings where there are nothing but forests; and they were seeking to settle down either among the Iroquois or on some good land like that which they had left.
I represented to them the good quality of the land of the Miamis and the Illinois, the fertility of their plains, the abundance of beavers and oxen, and the good hunting and fishing, and the cheap price at which they would obtain goods if once the way to the sea were open; that everything that could be desired to make life happy was to be found here, and that I would very soon bring oxen and horses and other useful things which they had seen in New England; that the only matter of great importance was that we should at once adopt the same ideas and share the same interests; and that as my interests required peace and union between the Illinois and the Miamis, it was important that they should insist upon that; and I pointed out to them that, if those two tribes were at war, they could not hunt in safety, nor obtain the necessaries of life; that, moreover, if they were fond of war, they could make war upon those against whom they had just cause for doing so, without attacking people who had never offended them. They accepted at once all my proposals and showed that they seized most joyfully the opportunity I was making for them, for the success of which we did all we could during the rest of the day.
The next day I called together the Miamis, and they all came to the chief's hut, which was immediately pulled down so (page 157) as to enable everyone to hear what went on. I was accompanied by ten Frenchmen and thirty Loups. As soon as they had assembled, I sent one of the most important men of the Loups for the presents I intended to make. These presents are as it were the seal of what is to be said, and without them it is taken for granted that what is said has no significance, and is only idle talk; and those who receive them give at least their value when they reply.
The first present was a small roll of tobacco, with which I told them that, as I had things of importance to say to them, I presented them with this tobacco, since it is their custom to use it when dealing with great affairs, to drive away the evil vapours which might cloud their minds; but that, as for us Frenchmen, we did not use this remedy in dealing with our affairs because our minds were strong and full of all kinds of knowledge, as they saw from the articles which we brought them, which showed that we had understanding.
The second was a piece of blue stuff, with which I told them that I saw they were still agitated by the loss of their relatives who were slain by the Iroquois, and that the grief with which they were filled by the sight of their half-burned bodies would cause them to receive with less pleasure what I wished to tell them; and that I would therefore cover them with this piece of cloth, and turn away their gaze from things below and make them direct it towards the sky, which was about to become serene, and the sun brighter than its wont.
The third was a piece of red cloth. This was to cover their blood and to adorn the earth with its colour which would remove the blood stains from their sight; moreover, it is the (page 158) colour with which it is their custom to paint their faces during their festivals and rejoicings, to signify to them that they should henceforth live always in delight and joy.
The fourth consisted of twenty hooded capes, a sort of garment used both by the French and the Indians. That was to show my affection also for their dead and, by clothing them in these capes, to testify that I considered them as my brothers; and although I did not believe, as they did, that they had need of these garments, yet I offered them to them in token of my friendship, and that I should keep in my heart the recollection and the memory of what they had been to me.
The fifth consisted of fifty hatchets, with which I prepared a tomb for them, because I wished to make it a magnificent one.
The sixth consisted of bracelets, porcelain cannons, glass beads, paint, rings and small bells, which are the ornaments of these Indians.
The 6th was thirty sword blades, which I fixed in the earth round these presents, saying that I thus made a palisade of iron round the dead, to prevent anyone from doing any injury to their bodies in future.
And after that, I said: "See, my brothers, we have done our duty to the dead. They must be pleased with us. They would ask no more of us now, since for their death there appears no remedy, save that we should leave them in peace, that we should wipe away our tears, and should watch over and preserve their descendants, who occupy their places here; but I will do more, I will raise them to life again. Ouabicolcata was the greatest of them all; think not that he is dead, his mind and his soul are in my body; I revive his name. I am another Ouabicolcata, and I take the same care of his family as he when (page 159) he dwelt among them. Let it be made known to all the earth. No longer am I called Okimac, but Ouabicolcata. He is dead no longer, he lives, and his family shall want for nothing henceforth, his soul being in the body of a Frenchman who has plenty of everything that you need.
I immediately gave them, as a seventh present, another piece of red cloth.
That was received with applause, and with joy which was plainly extraordinary. I gave them time to appreciate it; and then, as the eighth present, I had three great pots brought in and said: "It is fitting that the dead man who has been brought back to life again should show that he is alive by a feast. There is something to make it with."
Ninth present: twenty capes, twenty shirts, twenty blankets for men and women, and the same number for children. "I have promised you," I said, "that I would take care of my relatives. I come from another world, from which I bring them these clothes; they shall have no lack of them, provided they are willing to believe in me."
Tenth: a case full of knives, hatchets and other articles which they value most, because their use is necessary to them. "This is to supply my relatives with all they need."
Eleventh: six guns. "Here is a matter of importance, my brothers. He who is the ruler of my life and of this earth is a great chief. He is everywhere feared, he loves peace. He is powerful to preserve us, but he wishes us to hearken to his words which tend only to our greater advantage. It is the King of France, the greatest of all who rule beyond the sea. His favors extend even to our dead. His subjects have come here (page 160) to revive them. He wished to preserve them; but he also wishes that you should obey his laws, and that you should not commence any war without asking permission from him who is his representative at Kebec. He is called Onontio; he loves all the tribes, because the King wishes it. Live therefore at peace with your neighbours. The Illinois is one of them. There have been quarrels between you; you have been sufficiently avenged by the losses he has sustained. He asks you for peace, yet he is still strong enough to injure you; content yourselves with the glory of seeing him ask it of you. It is to your interest that he should live. If he were destroyed, the Iroquois who slew me would perhaps carry his treachery further. Forget it, however, and do not attack him on my account. I am a Frenchman now, and I require justice only at the hands of him who is the ruler of the French, to whom I am sufficiently indebted for his having brought me to life again not to demand any other punishment upon those who have killed me. I am content with knowing that their treachery displeases him and that he will prevent its consequences. Be of one mind with me, and accept these guns only for hunting and for defending yourselves if you are attacked."
Twelfth: two porcelain necklaces, which are the usual presents of the Indians. "Here, my brothers, are other Miamis, who come to take the place of my relatives, slain by the Iroquois. Their bodies are the bodies of Indians from New England, but they have the minds and hearts of Miamis. Receive them as your brothers. They wish to dwell with me, near to you. We shall form but one household, for we are all of one mind. We love peace equally; and you will drive us away if you wish to break the peace with the Ilinois."
It is impossible to tell you with what joy the Miamis received this present, and with what applause they approved the part I was playing in speaking always as if I were Ouabicolcata, which is in accordance with the memory of their dead. The Indians from New England were also pleased with the manner in which I had recommended them, and gave four presents expressing the same thing as mine. One of them, named Ouiouilamek served us all as interpreter, because he understands the language perfectly, which I understand tolerably well but cannot yet speak except with difficulty.
Next day the Miamis came where I was with presents, according to their custom. They began with dances, which lasted rather a long time, in which they addressed a thousand apostrophes to the sun, the heavens, and him who is the ruler of the earth and of life, to thank them because they saw once more their relatives whom they thought to be dead.
These dances over, they made a present of ten robes of beaver skin; and Ouabibichagan, addressing me, said: "Never have we seen, my brother Ouabicolcata, a thing so astonishing. We have never had our dead raised to life. He who has given you life, must be a great spirit, for at the same time he has given it back to all your relatives. He makes the sky more beautiful, the sun more brilliant; the earth grows greener than usual. He gave you, besides life, clothing to cover us,- us, who had been wont to be all naked; so that, in losing you, we have gained everything, since your death induced this great spirit to take pity on us. We are ashamed that we have nothing to offer him, equal to the benefits he confers upon us. (page 162) But you, Ouabicolcata, are our brother; excuse us. You are the cause of our poverty. It was to ransom your bones that we gave the Iroquois more than three thousand of our beaver-skins this winter. It is for you to beg this great King to accept what remains, which we present to you, who know our poverty, to tell him the cause of it, and that this little which you see is only like a sort of paper such as the French make, by which we bind ourselves to make you the master, on his behalf, of all the beavers in our rivers, and to tell you that, our minds being still possessed by the joy which you have caused us, we wait till next Spring to thank you, because we shall then be better able to do so."
Second present: ten more robes of beaver-skin. "That is good indeed, that we shall for a whole year experience the joy which comes to us today. That thought will be ever in our minds while we are hunting. Here is something to lay upon the mat of our brother Ouabicolcata. He is not dead, and we are under the protection of the Spirit which has restored him to life. Our enemies will not slay us, we shall live in peace; but since it is through him that we may hope to be happy, we acknowledge him as our ruler. And you, my brother, Ouabicolcata, as you come from him, will tell him better than we can do the meaning of these robes, by which we acknowledge him the ruler of our land, which now becomes more dear to us; and the fear of our enemies can no longer make us abandon it for even if they should massacre us, your King has the power to restore us to life."
Third present: ten robes. "We harken to his voice, we lay down our arms, we break our arrows, we hide our tomahawks even in the depths of the earth. The Islinois is our brother, (page 163) since he acknowledges our father, and the King of France is our father, for he has given back to our brothers their lives. But, as he is our common father, we beg him to give sense to our brother the Illinois. It is his custom to eat human flesh, and he will not abandon that custom unless our father takes it away from him."
Fourth present: ten robes. "We do not now, my brother, enter upon the rejoicings that you might wish. We are so taken up with the pleasure of seeing you that we cannot stop to talk. We will speak with you more fully when our hungry eyes have gazed their fill upon you, but now we can neither think nor say aught but these words: Tepatoue! tepatoue, nepi soumina kira,- how good that is! How good it is that you are not dead. Neoue tepatoue kissiokimas neoue tepatoue,- I thank thee, o most high chief, I thank thee! How good it is! It is thou who has brought back to life our brother Ouabicolcata. We will shout our thanks so loudly that thou shalt hear them from they dwelling place. We have made thee lord of our beavers and of our land. Thou art lord also of us. Our minds are thine. Our bodies owe to thee life and clothing. Thou has given back to us our brother and our young men. We do but borrow them. Thou shalt ever be their lord, and they have no spirit save that which thou has restored to them."
Fifth: ten robes. "I am not surprised that my children who dwelt in New England have come to live with you, and are of one mind with you." (They call them Ouabnaquia because they had at one time seen some Abnaquiois, who had come there to trade, and these, although of different tribes, speak almost the same language, and because their land is to the East of (page 164) the Miamis, who call those who live to the East Ouabnaquia). "We would do so as well as they, now that we know what happiness there is in belonging to so great a chief. We would go to the end of the world to have him, and we would always receive as our brothers all who come from him. These men, who bring back the spirits of those whom the Iroquois slew, and restore our relatives to life, shall be as dear to us as they were."
Sixth: ten robes. "Do not count the robes that we offer to you, they are all we have left, the Iroquois have taken everything; but receive our hearts as pledges of what we intend to do next Spring, to let you know our gratitude."
When the presents had been made, the rest of the day was passed in dances and feasts at which we were obliged to be present. The three wives of Jacques Oubibichagan, who are three sisters, and those of Michetonga, also sisters, the daughters of Mathieu Schabac, danced all day. Those are comical christians, with three wives, all of them sisters. I gently reproached them with that. They replied that they were Christians arech, that is, unintentionally, and only because Father d'Allouez told them, some time ago, at the Bay, that they must pray from time to time in order to be counted among their friends. As that was not the time to preach, and I did not know the language well enough, the matter was dropped.
Three days later I went down to the mouth of the river, where my Indians sowed their seed and my men prepared materials for building a fort. In the meantime, in order to strengthen my hands still further, in view of the small number of Frenchmen I had left, I proposed to the Indians from Boston and the Mahiganes and the others who were living with me, to send a (page 165) present of fifty beaver skins to each of the tribes which they had left in order to inform them of what had happened and invite them to come and join them. They did so, and intrusted the matter to two of their men, named Ouabach and Amabanso.
That being done, I left on the 25th of May to come for M. de La Forest, whom I hoped to meet at Missilimakinak. I was disappointed, for he had changed his mind, and I was obliged to come down to Fort Frontenac, where I received such urgent letters from M. de Frontenac that it was necessary to go to Montreal; in that way I have lost a great deal of time to no purpose, for I did not meet him.
We had determined to make the journey to the sea this autumn; but my journey to Montreal has delayed me so much that I do not know whether we shall be able to do so. I am very much afraid that it will also cause me to fail in sending back to M. Plet all that I had promised him; for I have been delayed here, at Teioiagon, where I am writing this letter, fifteen days in making the portage of my baggage, the Indians by whom I intended to make it having almost all been seized with the fever, and most of my men, which makes me fear that I may arrive too late to send off the beaver skin, or that those of my men who were to have brought it may have been corrupted again.
That, Monsieur, is all that I can tell you this year. There are a hundred other things to say to you, but you could not believe how difficult it is to write in the midst of Indians. I must get my portage made; and for that purpose I must speak to them constantly, and put up with their importunities, or else they will do nothing that I want them to do. Finally I have been interrupted more than twenty times while (page 166) writing this page. I hope to write more at leisure next year and to tell you how this matter ends; I hope it will end happily, for I have M. de Tonty, who is thoroughly well disposed, thirty good Frenchmen, exclusive of those whom I fear I shall lose, and more than a hundred Indians between the Chacuenons and those from New England, who all know how to use guns.
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