THE OHIO VALLEY-GREAT LAKES ETHNOHISTORY
ARCHIVES: THE MIAMI COLLECTION
It is noted that the following work from the Miami Archives should be read and
considered within the historical context in which it was composed and printed.
The opinions expressed and the language used do not reflect the opinions or
standards of the Glenn A. Black Laboratory of Archaeology, but are, rather,
indicative of thought in that historical moment during which the document was
published.
(November 1750- Date of Map)
(Due to length divided here into two parts)
Eavenston, Howard N. in: Pennsylvania
Magazine of History and Biography,
Vol. 65, Philadelphia,
1941, pp. 420-438.
Who Made the "Trader's Map"?
The Map Division of the Library of Congress has long possessed a manuscript map untitled, undated, and without a maker's name. No one knows when it was received nor from whom it came. It has been endorsed on the folder: "North America (Northwest Territory and New York) about 1753. Note- Fort DuQuesne, afterwards Fort Pitt, built in 1754, is not mentioned on this map. 'Logge T.' is mentioned. The various forts are mentioned and roads are given." Phillips describes it as a "Map of the Northwest Territory, showing the Hohio to the mouth of the Ouback- the Oucspere or Cutawai rivers. Giving roads to Logge T, etc., Scale, 69 miles to a degree of latitude, 20 x 29 ms. anon. 1753?"1 This map was reproduced in Hanna's The Wilderness Trail,2 where a title, "Trader's Map of the Ohio Country 1750-52," was imposed on the upper left-hand corner of the map itself, though it does not occur on the original. Hanna does not refer to the map in his text.
The writer's interest in this old map was aroused by the insertion of the words, "Sea Coal here," in three places where coal has actually been found. This is the earliest, or nearly the earliest, record of coal in the respective states. Unless the records of deLery's journey down the Ohio in 1739 show that he saw coal in Pennsylvania (which is unlikely), this note of coal along the Kiskiminetas River is the first written reference to coal in that state; in Ohio, on the Muskingum River, it is also the earliest known record;3 and in Kentucky, on "White Foul Creek,"4 it is second only to the record left by Dr. Thomas Walker, if the date of this map is as early as it may well be.
References to coal on early maps are very scarce. The first one the writer has found in an examination of nearly all of the early maps known to be extant, is that to "Charbon de terre" in Illinois on Joliet's map of 1673-74.5 A somewhat different map, said to be Marquette's, shows "Charbon de terre" on the Illinois River in the same general location. This map is on a larger scale than Joliet's, and was published by Thevenot in 1681.6 The next map recording the presence of coal was made by Benjamin Winslow late in 1736, subsequent to his survey of the Potomac River for the Fairfax grant. This is the first map to show coal in the Appalachian region, and indicates two "cole mines" above the mouth of the Savage River.7 This same information is given on the map of the "Northern Neck of Virginia," made by Jefferson and Brooke 1746, from which the boundary lines of the Lord Fairfax grant were laid down, the information being from the survey and map of 1736.8 The Fry and Jefferson map published in 1751, shows a "cole mine" along the Potomac River, again the data was taken from the 1736 map. The next map showing coal is the "Trader's Map," the subject of this paper.
Correspondence with the librarians of the leading American collections of the country, careful study of the Records of the Darlington collection,9 and correspondence with the secretaries of the historical societies interested in the history of this territory have failed to reveal any similar map or any manuscripts referring to this one, but numerous suggestions were made as to the possible map maker; those suggested being Christopher Gist, James Burd, Lewis Evans, Thomas Hutchins, and the various traders Evans mentioned as (page 422) giving him information for his map about the western country, Alexander Lowrey, Alexander McGinty and others.
This map in addition to the trails from Raystown and Wills Creek, along the Ohio, and westward to Miamis Town, and south to the Ohio River, shows travel routes past the Cross to Miami Fort, down the Miami River with details of rapids, along the west end and north shore of Lake Erie, and in the Detroit and Niagara rivers, and gives information about portages along the north shore of Lake Erie that must have been furnished by a traveler of that route.
So far as the record whose, Christopher Gist made one or two small maps of a limited area but we have no knowledge of his ability to make such a map as this one. Nothing exists to indicate that he ever made a trip in the northwestern part of Ohio or to Detroit or anywhere else on Lake Erie.
A comparison of the map with Gist's journal of 1750-51 shows these notable differences. The starting point of the map was evidently taken as the Ohio Company's warehouse at Colonel Cresap's, on the Potomac between Town Branch and Will's Creek; the streams immediately south and west of that point having been located in the Fairfax surveys of 1736 and 1746. The paths shown from there do not agree with Gist's courses and distances even generally, as might be expected. This, however, was an old Indian trail and known to many. The map does not show Loyalhannon, at which Gist stayed, although it was at least as large then as Shannopin's Town. The town of Muskingum is not named. Gist reached it December 14, 1750, and says it was five miles east of White-woman's Town, which is named. This was a much larger place and he stayed there some days. It does not show the large Delaware town on the Scioto River, reached by him January 27, 1751. Gist speaks of Maguck Town and does not mention French Margaret's shown on the map, although they are probably the same. The town on the Great Miami River is shown on the map as Miami's Town, and was usually called Pickawillany. Gist refers to it as Twigtwee Town. It was taken and burned by the French and Indians in 1752, and Evans' map mentions this. This map does not show the streams mentioned by Gist on the south side of the Ohio River west of the mouth of the Scioto River, nor does it show his path anywhere south (page 423) of the Ohio River. In view of these facts, it is evident that Christopher Gist cannot be considered as the maker of this map.
James Burd's name was suggested on account of the resemblance between his writing and the lettering on the map. While he traded in this region prior to 1752, and had a much better education than all but a few of the traders, there is no evidence to show that he ever made any maps in that period, nor that he was ever near Lake Erie, or on the Detroit or Niagara rivers. He certainly was not the maker of this map.
All students of this period know Lewis Evans' maps of 1749 and 1755, and of his ability as a map maker. It is evident that he did not make this map, however. The date of this map is certainly before 1753, for reasons stated hereafter. Evans in 1753 said that no coal had yet been found in Pennsylvania,10 while the map shows it was known before that time, and had he made this map he would certainly have shown coal along the Kiskiminetas River on his 1755 map, instead of merely referring to it in his "Analysis." His maps have been the subject of extremely careful research and no mention has been made anywhere of such a one as this. His livelihood came from surveys and maps, and his name added weight and value to any map; it is extremely unlikely that he would have allowed such a well-made map to go out without at least his name being on it. The spelling of various places on this map differs from his map of 1755, and the country around Detroit River is different as will be referred to later. There are no good reasons to lead to the conclusion that Lewis Evans made this map.
Thomas Hutchins' ability as an observer and geographer in a period about fifteen years later than this are well known. At this time he was only twenty years old and there is nothing in his record to show that he made any such map, or was in this locality until after 1752, and then only in western Pennsylvania.
There are no records extant to show that the traders who gave information to Lewis Evans for his map ever made any maps of any kind or that any of them had sufficient education or training to do such work. They can be dismissed from consideration.
After considering these names and rejecting them, a study of the (page 424) available records showed that there was one man whose qualifications ought to be examined. This was John Pattin, or Patten. He appeared in colonial history in 1750 and was active until the middle or latter part of 1754, when he was killed by Indians while on an expedition seeking the Northwest Passage.
Pattin had been over all the routes shown on this map. He left an account of his travels including a statement of the distances between many of the points on the map. Finally, according to the testimony of a public officer of Pennsylvania, he submitted a map of this country drawn by himself. The map, however, cannot be found in any of the colonial records of Pennsylvania. Later, in 1754, he was sent on a mission to the Indian country by Governor Hamilton and submitted a report with a statement of distances from the settlements to the Ohio country. He also submitted a map which has disappeared.
Very little is known of John Pattin. He was a native of Wilmington in Pennsylvania, and was born in 1726.11 He was in the western part of Pennsylvania early in 1750, as he said, "he rode in four Days from Ohio the Frank's Town Road to Peter Sheavers', about four miles from Susquehanna River, in June, 1750, which by the Traders Computation is two hundred and twenty miles."12 This was probably late in June, for on July 12 he made some small purchases from John Harris, at Harris Ferry.13
He left Wilmington August 24, 1750, and went to Miami Town (Pickawillany), to trade with the Indians. Running short of goods, he left his baggage in camp and went to French Miami Fort (now Fort Wayne) where on November 20 he was arrested by the Commandant, and kept in close confinement. He was sent under guard to Detroit. After being kept prisoner there for four months he was sent with a guard to Fort Niagara. He was then sent to Fort Toronto, thence down Lake Ontario to Fort Frontenac and on to Montreal, "which appeared to have about the same number of houses as Wilmington"; he was then sent to Quebec, from whence after a long confinement he was sent to Rochelle, France.14
He, and two other traders who had been captured about the same time but at other places in Ohio, reached Rochelle in November, 1751, and at the instance of the Earl of Albemarle, Ambassador to France, were finally released and sent to Paris.15 He was in Paris about three months and asked redress for his lost goods of the French government, which was refused. He was sent to England and examined again,16 and while there talked to Thomas Penn; he sailed for America and reached Philadelphia probably early in October, 1752.
On October 16 he was summoned to appear before the Pennsylvania Assembly on the following day, when he made a verbal statement of his experiences and of what he had seen in the various Canadian places he had been. The Assembly voted thirty pounds for his relief, and instructed the Clerk to take down in writing the account which he gave of the manner of his being taken, and of the places in Canada through which he passed during his captivity,17 and to submit it at the next meeting, January 15, 1753.
On that day the Clerk brought to the Assembly "the account John Pattin gave of the several places in Canada through which he passed, when taken by the French, together with a map of that country, drawn by said Pattin."18 Richard Peters19 saw this map and reported to Penn it was the best map of that area yet made. He bought one copy of it for Thomas Penn, paying 5.8s for it, and was given a copy by Pattin for his personal use.
What is said to be this account is an unpublished manuscript of four pages, accompanied by a one page manuscript in the same writing entitled: "John Pattin's Account of Distances computed by Indian Traders." This account and table of distances and a reduced print of the so-called "Trader's Map" follow:
A Journal or Account of the Capture of John Pattin
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John Pattin of the Province of Pennsylvania, Indian Trader, says that some time in Nov. 1750 he went with Goods a trading to the Miamis, otherwise called the Twigtwee Town which lies near the head of that Western Branch of the Ohio called by the English Miamis River, but by the French La Riv: Rochers or Rocky River, and is about 200 miles by Water & 100 by land to where it empties itself into the Ohio, and from there up to Log's Town is about 450 Miles by Water. That this Miami Town was computed to have about 200 fighting men, all of the Twigtwee Nation settled [sic] therein and are some of those who left the French 7 or 8 years ago in order to trade with the English. That being informed here that there were some |
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The Cross Miamis Fort French French Miami River French Miamis Town Number of men at French Miami's Fort New fort talked of |
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Indians a hunting at the Cross (a place about 65 Miles from the Miamis Town where the French have erected a large Wooden Cross to be worshipped by their Traders who pass this way) he went thither & traded with them but wanting sundry Necessaries he went from thence to a Fort which the French have on a Branch of the Lake Erie called by them Miamis River, thinking as there was peace between the English & French, he would be in no danger; but contrary to his expectation when he came there he was immediately seized & kept close confined; that the River of the Fort is about three Rods wide, on the other side of which about a mile & half from the Fort is the French Miami's Town, where there are about 150 Indians the remainder of those who came over to the English as mentioned before; that the Fort is small, stuck round with Pallisados and had at the Time he was there a Capt. Lieut: 250 Men, but that most of the men were traders, who were continually passing to & fro, & by what he could hear there were but about 9 or 10 who constantly resided there; that the French talk of destroying this Fort, & building one three Miles below on the other side of the River, in a Fork between the (page 427) Miamis River & a River which leads to a Portage near the head of Wabash, |
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What sort of land Fort Detroit |
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that the Land from the English Miami's Town to the French Fort is for the most part Savannahs & Plains, but here & there some fine Timber Land interspersed that from hence he was sent under a guard of 9 Men to Fort Detroit, which is about 240 Miles by Water, that the passage to this Place is down Miami's River, which is full of small Falls, into Lake Erie & then up the Streights between Lake Erie & Huron, on the West side of which Streight stands the Fort about 40 Rods from the River, that it is a large Pallisadoed Fort, containing about 100 small Log & other Houses that there are about 200 Men settled in & about the Fort that they have got but one Swivele Gun mounted here, tho this is the most considerable settlement the French have in these Parts they raising Grain & Most Kind of Provisions to supply the other Forts about the Lakes; that great encouragement is given to young married People to settle there, the French designing to make it a large settlement if Possible; that the Streight is about a Mile across at the Fort, that there are Plantations all the way |
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Lake Huron Niagara Fort Lake Erie |
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from Ft. Detroit to Lake Huron which is about three Leagues; that the French go in three days from Fort Detroit to Fort Sandoski, which is a small Pallisadoed Fort, with about 20 Men lying on the South side of Lake Erie, and was built the latter end of the Year 1750, that after being kept Prisoner about 4 Months at Detroit he was sent under a guard to Niagara Fort, their passage to which was down the River DeTroit into Lake Erie & from thence along the North side of said lake to the River Niagara, whence they Landed and travelled on Foot till they came opposite the Fort, and crossed over, that from F. Detroit to L. Erie is about Twelve Leagues & from the Mouth of Detroit River to the West end of Lake Erie is 12 Leagues also, that the Lake is computed 300 Miles in length that from the east End of L. Erie to Fort Niagara is about 70 Miles, (page 428) that the Falls of Niagara is about 3 Leagues above the |
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Stone house at Niagara Boccalunce Niagara Fort |
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Falls the French have a strong Stone trading house lately built with a design to prevent the Indians who cross the River Niagara at that place, from going to trade with the English at Oswego; that he was informed it was but a days Journey for an Indian from Niagara Fort to Boccalunce, an Indian Town on a Branch of the Ohio; that the Fort is built of hewed Logs, framed and fastened together with Iron Pins in many places, and is about 80 Yards in length & 50 in breadth, has fine large stone Barracks for the Soldiers, & mounts five Carriage and five swivel Guns besides some Chamber Peices, the Carriage Guns he supposes to be 6 or 4 Pounders that the Walls of the Fort, are about 1 Foot thick & those of the Barracks 2 1/2 Feet, that there was during the time he stayed there a Capt. Lieut. Ensign, & 40 Men besides a Smith and Cooper who worked for the Indians, with whom |
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Fort Trunto |
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there is a great trade carried on at this Fort from this Place he was sent to Fort Trunto which lies on the N. side of L. Ontario, and is a new Fort of the same kind & size as F. Niagara, and built with a design to hinder the Indians (who used to cross L. Ontario at this place) from going to Oswego, that this Fort was not quite finished, & was without Cannon, but had Embrasures made for that purpose that the French have gained a considerable deal of trade from the English by building this Fort and the Strong House above the Falls of Niagara, that it is computed to be about 110 Miles from Niagara Fort to Trunto; that Lake Ontario lies low, the water very smooth & clear; and deep enough for any Vessel whatever to sail in ; that Lake Erie lies high, exposed to the winds is generally as rough as the Ocean, as navigable for large Vessels as Ontario, that both Lakes abound with plenty of all sorts of fresh Water Fish; that from Trunto he was sent down to Lake Ontario 120 Miles to Fort Cadaracqui or Frontenac, which lies near to the place where (page 429) the Lake begins to discharge itself into St. Lawrence and is situated on the North Side of the River on a Peninsula, that it is a large & strong Fort built all of Stone, being about 100 Yards square & mounting to Carriage Guns, which he believes 6 Pounders that the Walls are about 12 Feet high & 4 or 5 thick & that it is the strongest Fort the French have about the Lakes, that the Situation of this Fort is very convenient to interrupt the Trade of the Indians with Oswego, that they had two Vessels there built after manner of our Brigs, about 60 or 70 Tonns each which they used for carrying provisions &c. to Fort Niagara that they likewise prepared the Timber for building another vessel of 36 Feet Keel in which they proposed as he understood to put some Cannon, in order to attack the English Fort at Oswego. That from Cadaracqui he was sent down the River St. Lawrence to Mont Real on the south side of which River he passed a |
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Nagalets F. |
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French Fort called Nagalets 190 Miles from Cadaracqui, and another very strong one about 36 Miles above Mont Real but as they did not stop at either, he cannot give any particular description of them; that Mont Real is about 180 Miles from Nagalets, appears to have about the same number of houses as Wilmington in this Province, is walled and Trenched round & otherways very strongly fortified, being a place of great trade with the Indians, that at the East end of the Town within the Walls is a high Hill, on the Top of which is a battery of 40 Guns, mostly 18 Pounders with out any Breast Work or Shelter for the Men, that the Walls about the Town are about 12 feet high and very thick at the bottom where the earth dug out of the Trenches was thrown up, but at the top where there are Embrazures for Cannon & holes for small Arms it is not above 3 feet thick that there are three large Gates, one at the East & West & the other at the N. West Sides of the Town, with strong Guard Houses over them, that the Powder House stands on the (page 430) N. West side of the Town near the middle between the West & N. West Gates & is built of stone & covered with lead, and has also a high Stone Wall round it that about a mile from the N. West Side of the Town on the side of a large hill lies the Priests Orchards & Gardens around which is a strong stone Wall, capable of being made, if occasion require, a place of considerable defence; That from Mont Real he was sent about 70 Leagues farther down the River St. Lawrence |
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Quebec |
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to Quebec, and that there are plantations on both sides of the River, all of the way, that Quebec is a larger Town than Mont Real, & Much stronger fortified, that there are about 200 Cannon in & about the Town & upwards of 100 Men were at that time daily employed in repairing the Fortifications, and building Barracks for the Soldiers that the Harbour is guarded by two large Batteries of at least 50 Guns each, one on the East the other on the South Side of the Town. Lastly that he was informed there were Batteries on the Island which lies about 1/2 a Mile below Quebec, but that he could not discover them tho he looked on purpose, in going down the River on his passage to Rochelle where they sent him after a long confinement in Quebec. |
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1 P. Lee Phillips, A List of Maps of America in the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C, (1901), 572.
2 C. A. Hanna, The Wilderness Trail (1911), II, 156.
3 Lewis Evans in his Analysis of a Map. . ., in 1755, says that he was told by traders that coal was on fire at the Ohio location in 1748.
4 Probably either Tygarts Creek or the Little Sandy River.
5 Reproduced in R G. Thwaites, The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, vol. 49.
6 See Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, IV, 208-221.
7 Plan of the Upper Part of Patomack River called Cohongorooto Surveyed the Year 1736. MSS. in Enoch Pratt Public Library, Baltimore, Md.; William and Mary College Quarterly Hist. Mag. April, 1938, "Maps of the First Survey of the Potomac River, 1736-1737 " by James W. Foster.
8 A map of the Northern Neck in Virginia. According to an Actual Survey begun in the Year 1736 and ended in the Year 1746. Drawn by Peter Jefferson and Robert Brooke, Surveyors. Copy in Darlington Library of the University of Pittsburgh of the original in Public Record Office, London.
9 In the Darlington Room, University of Pittsburgh Library. An excellent collection, too little known generally.
10 Lewis Evans, "A Brief Account of Pennsylvania," 1753, Du Simitire Papers, Library Company of Philadelphia.
11 Examination by French, in Montreal, June 19, 1751.
12 Examination taken before Governor of Pennsylvania and submitted to council 12 March, 1754, Pa. Col. Records, V, 762.
13 Entry in a ledger of John Harris, Historical Society of Penns.
14 "A Journal or Account of the Capture of John Pattin," unpublished MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc.
15 Letter, Albemarle to Holdernesse, Secy. State, Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, X, 241.
16 Pennsylvania Archives, 1st Ser., II, 233.
17Votes and proceedings, House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, (1744-58), IV, 234, 235, 236.
18 There was no notice of Pattin's return, or of his statement, in the Pennsylvania Gazette at the time.
19 "Provincial Papers Detail of Pending Indian Affairs, 1752-1754," No. 706, in Pennsylvania State Archives, under date of 1752.
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